Black maternal mortality in the United States

Last updated

Black maternal mortality in the United States refers to the death of women, specifically those who identify as Black or African American, during or after child delivery. [1] In general, maternal death can be due to a myriad of factors, such as the nature of the pregnancy or the delivery itself, but is not associated with unintentional or secondary causes. [2] In the United States, around 700 women die from pregnancy-related illnesses or complications per year. This number does not include the approximately 50,000 women who experience life-threatening complications during childbirth, resulting in lifelong disabilities and complications. However, there are stark differences in maternal mortality rates for Black American women versus Indigenous American, Alaska Native, and White American women.

Contents

There have been significant differences between the maternal mortality of white women versus Black women throughout history. In the U.S., the CDC reported that Black women experience maternal mortality two to three times higher than that of white women. As of 2021, the estimated national maternal mortality rate in the United States is about 32.9 per 100,000 live births––but it is about 69.9 per 100,000 live births for Black women. [3] Furthermore, data from the CDC Pregnancy Surveillance Study shows that these higher rates of Black maternal mortality are due to higher fatality rates, not a higher number of cases. Since the usual causes of maternal mortality are conditions that occur or are exacerbated during pregnancy, most instances of maternal mortality are preventable deaths. [4]

Recently, these statistics have been receiving more recognition, as researchers place more emphasis on minimizing racial/ethnic disparities seen in maternal mortality. [5] Researchers have identified several reasons for the Black-white maternal mortality disparity in the U.S., including factors like access to healthcare, socioeconomic status, pre-existing conditions, medical racism, racial history, and access to abortion - all of which are social determinants of health in the United States. [6] Preventative measures have been taken at an institutional level and medical level, by the creation of healthcare initiatives as well as policies that are in place.

Historical context

Historical abuses in maternal care of enslaved Black women

Historically, care for Black maternals was influenced by economic motives; laws and practices from chattel slavery placed profit over human dignity. In 1662, legislators in the Virginia Colony passed Partus Sequitur Ventrem which ruled that children born from enslaved people would be enslaved themselves. [7] This created the commodification of black offspring and made Black woman more profitable, increasing the slave owners' wealth without additional cost. Systemic and institutional decisions prioritized economic means over ethical treatment of Black child-bearing individuals. The death of slaves was recorded on ledgers that also included "planting and harvesting accounts, financial ledgers, inventories of slaves and equipment, and goods and clothing allotments to slaves." [8] These records show every aspect of enslaved people's lives was quantified and valued based on the economic benefit it provided the slave owner. Such meticulous documentation of these enslaved people's lives created profound dehumanization and commodification of their bodies. The lack of care given to child-bearing individuals shows that their medical care was not dictated by need, but rather the economic motive to keep them alive to birth more profit.

When Britain and the United States banned the transatlantic slave trade in 1807-1808, slave owners placed more value on child-bearing individuals. Despite midwives and nurses that took care of child-bearing enslaved individuals, White physicians were called upon in difficult cases, to examine infertility, and to investigate infant mortality. [9] Adopting more “formal” medical interventions allowed the slave owners to increase white oversight on the reproductive lives of enslaved women. However, without proper knowledge, these White physicians could not adequately care for their patients and would verbally abuse enslaved mothers, using racist and gendered language, for deaths that were more likely the result of poor care and nutrition. [9] This abuse of power removes the blame from the systemic injustices and unjustly places it on child-bearing individuals themselves. In the South at this time, every 1 in 2 infants were stillborn or died within their first year of life. [9] Systemic neglect and abuse caused Black maternals and infants to suffer under the guise of medical supervision.

Exploitation of Black women in gynecological research

Increased oversight by White physicians led to the abuse of Black mothers and infants as these doctors sought to advance scientific knowledge and enhance their reputations during the antebellum period. Dr. John Marion Sims, termed as the “father of gynecology,” gained his title as a pioneer in the studies of gynecology by experimenting and abusing enslaved people. Since Dr. Sims performed his experiments on enslaved people, legally he only needed to acquire permission from the enslaved women’s “owners”. [10] Without consent, Dr.Sims performed test surgeries on enslaved women. Much research and praise has been given to Dr.Sims for his findings. However, little has been done to highlight the voices of the Black women that he abused in the name of science. Women such as Anarcha, Lucy, and Betsey [11] , along with dozens of other Black enslaved women who endured painful and abusive experiments have been made voiceless due to a lack of documentation of their experiences. [12] A testament to the power he held over these enslaved women, the only documented accounts of their existence is through Dr.Sims journals and records.

The dehumanization of Black enslaved individuals has continued post enslavement as well, and developed into the myth that Black people were pain-resistant compared to white people - a belief upheld by Dr. Sims who described the enslaved women he abused as “stoic” and “resistant to pain” . [13] This historic mistreatment and denial of basic rights of Black women by physicians has caused disparities in Black maternal health care and trust in the medical system among the Black community. Historically, racist myths and abuse against Black women has resulted in, “implicit bias on behalf of healthcare professionals, racial and socioeconomic disparities regarding access to care, and an absence of treatment that is culturally competent." [13]

Distrust of health institutions

A photograph of a participant of the Tuskegee syphilis study Participant of Tuskegee Syphilis Study.jpg
A photograph of a participant of the Tuskegee syphilis study

The historical context of institutionalized racism in the United States has had the effect of black people having to deal with medical and scientific racism, making the black community less likely to trust medical institutions and professionals, due to previous exploitation and abuse. Institutionalized racism is defined as policies and practices that exist across an entire society or organization and result in and support a continued unfair advantage for some people and unfair or harmful treatment of others based on race. For many years, African Americans in medicine and healthcare have faced racial injustices. Understanding what factors contribute to the racial disparity in maternal health outcomes is critical because it can illuminate where and how to address such a complex issue and focus the scope of public health prevention programs. [14] Slavery had caused black bodies to be seen as "less than"—something that could be used for entertainment or exploitation. An article in the American Journal of Public Health describes that laws making enslavement an inheritable status increased the scrutiny of black women and forced them into bearing children for the economic gain of their enslavers. In addition, many medical and surgical techniques were developed by exploiting the bodies of enslaved black women. Another article written by the Association of American Medical Colleges describe how black pain is typically written off and ignored due to medical myths surrounding black pain, such as “Black peoples nerve endings are less sensitive than white peoples” or “Black peoples skin is thicker than white peoples”, leading to a lack of treatment and diagnosis for severe illnesses. [15]

Sarah Baartman was a Hottentot woman who was paraded around in circuses around 1810-1820. She was taken from the Cape to London, presented as the "Hottentot Venus" on account of the fact that her buttocks were considered abnormally large by Europeans. [16] After her death, French scientist George Carvier anatomized her body in order to measure her genitalia along with other body parts. A cast of her body, skeleton, brain, and a wax mold of her genitalia were once on display in a museum. [17]

The Tuskegee Syphilis Study occurred from 1932 until 1972, where 600 economically disadvantaged African American men were unknowingly used by researchers to track the progression of syphilis, resulting in subjects going blind, insane, or experiencing other severe health problems.

A more mild, but equally horrifying example of Black bodies being exploited is Henrietta Lacks, a Black woman who had samples taken of her cancerous cells without her knowledge. This tissue was given to researcher George Gey. It was found that Lacks' cells have a remarkable capability to survive and reproduce. For years after her death, scientists continued to use her cells, released her name, and released medical records to the media without her family's consent. [18] This legacy has persisted into modern times and has made Black women less likely to trust the medical community. [19] The battle of Henrietta's bodily rights is not over yet though. On October 4, 2021, the Lacks' estate announced that they will be suing the biotechnology company named Thermo Fisher Scientific Inc., who says they have the intellectual rights of the HeLa cells. Lawyers for Henrietta's surviving family say the biotechnology company has continued to profit off the cells well after the origins of the HeLa cell line became well known. "The exploitation of Henrietta Lacks represents the unfortunately common struggle experienced by Black people throughout history," the suit says. [20] The blatant disregard of the worth of Black people in healthcare has left Black people more untrusting of medical institutions, and provides more context into why Black mothers may be dying at a higher rate.[ citation needed ]

Causes

Access to maternal care

The setting where a woman gives birth is another significant factor in determining the outcome of the birth. Specifically, non-teaching, black-serving hospitals have been found to extremely increase the rate of morbidity for black women during pregnancy. In the states of Pennsylvania, Missouri, and California, the journal article “Black-white disparities in maternal in-hospital mortality according to teaching and black-serving hospital status” discovered that between the years of 1995 to 2000, out of every 100,000 patients in a hospital, 11.5 black women died during pregnancy, and 4.8 white women died during pregnancy. The figures show that the data for maternal morbidity from a black woman to a white woman almost doubled, and they are mainly attributed to whether the hospital is teaching or non-teaching and whether it is a black serving hospital (Burris 2021). “Mortality rates among U.S. women of reproductive age” also found that the greatest risk for mortality during pregnancy resulted in deaths from women’s health outcomes over the course of their lifetime which can also be largely attributed to the healthcare settings that are accessible for all pregnant women (Gemmill, 2022). According to “Urban-rural differences in pregnancy-related deaths,” within urban-rural communities, black women had higher mortality ratios within the same age groups compared to non-Hispanic Americans proving the necessity for accessible healthcare for all pregnant women regardless of their environment or setting (Merkt, 2021). All these contributing factors represent the varying barriers that can occur based on the setting of the patient and hospital/healthcare center during pregnancy. [21]

Both prenatal care and postnatal are used to support pregnant women at different stages and monitor potential risk factors in order to make pregnancy and delivery as safe and healthy as possible. The literature shows that increasing access to prenatal care through public health departments caused a subsequent decrease in black maternal mortality rates. [22] [23] Furthermore, having fewer than 5 prenatal care visits, not attending prenatal care appointments, and accessing prenatal care later in a pregnancy are associated with maternal mortality. Black women are less likely to initiate prenatal care, with 10% of black women receiving late (third trimester) or no prenatal care, compared with 4% of white women. [24]

"Maternal care deserts" are an important factor when it comes to access to prenatal and postnatal care. A maternal care desert is defined as a county with no hospital offering obstetric care and no OB/GYN or certified nurse midwife providers. [25] Around 15 million women live in these maternity care deserts, with many of these women being minorities. A study done on the relation of maternal care deserts and pregnancy associated mortality found that "the risk of death during pregnancy and up to 1 year postpartum owing to any cause (pregnancy-associated mortality) and in particular death owing to obstetric causes (pregnancy-related mortality) was significantly elevated among women residing in maternity care deserts compared with women in areas with greater access." [25] Other obstacles such as lack of providers accepting public insurance such as Medicaid and transportation requirements to get to prenatal appointments affect black women more than white women in the United States. [22]

Intersection of race, socioeconomic status, and disability

Income has been well studied as a social determinant of health, and it has been found that worse health outcomes at all-time points surrounding pregnancy are associated with lower socioeconomic status and income levels. Lack of insurance/using Medicaid and experiencing homelessness are associated with severe morbidity rates, and are all more likely to apply to black women and increase their risk of maternal death. [22]

Systemic racism contributes to the greater likelihood of black women to belong to lower socioeconomic classes. However, it is important to note that Black women across all socioeconomic statuses and education levels experience the same extent of racism both during the birthing process and after, as noted in Black women’s experiences in the Neonatal Intensive Care Unit following birth. [26] A study from the Nature Public Health Collection journal pointed out that the COVID-19 pandemic increases the vulnerability of black women who are more likely to work at jobs that carry greater exposure risks to COVID-19, and more likely to lose income due to unemployment. This is in addition to the pandemic making accessing perinatal care more challenging, and making income disparities even more stark. The researchers who authored this study recommend that the interlocking factors affecting black mothers during the COVID-19 pandemic be specifically addressed in order to see tangible improvements in maternal health outcomes. [27]

More and more women with disabilities are becoming mothers, but few federally-funded programs offer support or services to women with disabilities. [28] Black mothers with disabilities have increased barriers to accessing maternal services, which increases health and mortality risks for the mother. Women with disabilities also have higher pregnancy complications, preterm deliveries, and low birth infants. [29]

Causes of maternal mortality worldwide Maternal deaths by cause, OWID.svg
Causes of maternal mortality worldwide

One of the most determinant factors on the outcome of a woman’s pregnancy has been statistically proven to be the healthcare that the mother has access to. According to Race, medicaid coverage, and equity in maternal morbidity, there is a large disproportion of mothers receiving adverse reactions during or after pregnancy with Medicaid compared to those with private insurance. This research found that black women with medicaid are 50% more likely to have severe maternal mortality. In this study, most of the white women had private insurance which resulted in them being half as likely to have a severe maternal morbidity experience compared to black women with Medicaid (Brown, 2021). According to “Incidence of severe maternal morbidity by race and payer status at an academic medical system,” by doing a similar study, it was established that black women with Medicaid have the highest rates of mortality, and white women with private insurance have the lowest rates of mortality proving the insurance that the pregnant mother has is one of the main determinants in their healthcare outcome (Mallampati, 2022). [30]

Pre-existing conditions

A study conducted by Amy Metcalfe, James Wick, and Paul Ronksley analyzing trends in maternal mortality from 1993 to 2012 showed that the percentage of black women with pre-existing conditions increased from about 10% to about 17%, the highest out of all other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Black women are more likely to have adverse pregnancy outcomes which make them more susceptible to cardiovascular diseases putting them at a greater risk for maternal mortality. [31] Black women are also more likely to already have pre-existing cardiovascular disease. They also have greater odds of developing preeclampsia, along with an increased prevalence of chronic disease and obesity. [32] Black women are more likely to have unplanned pregnancies as well–and are thus more likely to lack prior monitoring and treatment of pre-existing conditions before, during, and after a pregnancy. [33] A study conducted in 2009 also showed that black infant mortality rates were five times higher than white infant mortality rates. The health of newborn children has a direct correlation to the physical health of the mother through reproduction, pregnancy and birth, which provides further evidence of poor maternal health resources and care received by black mothers. [34]

Racial bias

In 2020 the American Public Health Association declared structural racism a public health crisis, which was attributed to historical forces as well as current events. [35] There have been thousands of studies analyzing the racial bias against Black people in the healthcare system. [36] Overall, Blacks are less likely to receive the same quality care as their White counterparts. Clinician bias is one of the largest contributors to this disparity. This bias can be either implicit or explicit, but both are harmful to the well-being of Black patients. Explicit biases have generally been measured with self-reports while implicit biases are measured through "validated tests of unconscious association". [36] A lot of empirical evidence strongly suggests that White physicians hold negative implicit racial biases and negative explicit racial stereotypes, which causes them to be influenced by these biases when it comes to making medical decisions for their patients. In turn, this contributes to the racial inequities prominent in the healthcare system.

In general, Black Americans are under-treated for pain when compared with White Americans. [37] Black patients are less likely to receive pain medication, and when they do, they are more likely to receive a lower quantity than their White counterparts. This phenomenon contributes to Black maternal mortality, aiding in the dismissal of Black women's pain by medical professionals. [19] A Harvard School of Public Health publication discussed this phenomenon by collecting numerous examples of medical professionals being dismissive or providing delayed care to Black mothers expressing pain or problematic symptoms. [38] The publication tells the story of Shalon Irving, a Black woman who experienced symptoms such as high blood pressure, blurry vision, and hematoma after childbirth. However, her doctors advised her to not take further action, and Irving died soon after. According to the author, this was just one instance of medical caregivers being less likely to take Black women's concerns seriously, contributing to maternal death. [38]

Demonstrator for abortion rights Keep Abortion Safe, Legal & Accessible.jpg
Demonstrator for abortion rights

Maternal mortality is connected to racism, with Black women dying from medical issues that are preventable yet not being listened to when they complain about pain. Black women are perceived to be resilient and strong as a result of persistence during societal changes, personal crisis, and in the face of racial adversity. Black women have increased levels of stress as a result of this "Superwoman schema". [39] More specifically along the lines of black maternal health, black women are also seen to receive birth control-related distrust in higher frequencies compared to white women. [40] Although poor Black women are more susceptible to maternal mortality, the risk still exists for other Black women with better resources. For example, tennis player Serena Williams almost suffered a fatality postpartum when she developed a pulmonary embolism. This was a result of the doctors not listening to her when she expressed her health concerns, and not considering those concerns serious enough to be acted upon urgently. [41] According to a study done by the Robert Johnson Fund, over 22% of Black women report discrimination from medical professionals when they are seeking help. [42]

In 2019, Black maternal health advocate and Parents writer Christine Michel Carter interviewed Vice President Kamala Harris. As a senator, in 2019 Harris reintroduced the Maternal Care Access and Reducing Emergencies (CARE) Act which aimed to address the maternal mortality disparity faced by women of color by training providers on recognizing implicit racial bias and its impact on care. Harris stated:

"We need to speak the uncomfortable truth that women—and especially Black women—are too often not listened to or taken seriously by the health care system, and therefore they are denied the dignity that they deserve. And we need to speak this truth because today, the United States is 1 of only 13 countries in the world where the rate of maternal mortality is worse than it was 25 years ago. That risk is even higher for Black women, who are three to four times more likely than white women to die from pregnancy-related causes. These numbers are simply outrageous."

Abortion access

Unsafe abortion is a major contributing factor to maternal mortality and morbidity and Black women, who are more likely to have unplanned pregnancies and be of lower socioeconomic status, are more likely to undergo unsafe abortions. Black women have consistently had higher abortion rates than White women, which means that restrictions to safe abortions will disproportionately affect them. And over the last couple of years, access to safe abortions in the United States has become increasingly restrictive. [43] These restrictions include bans on particular methods of abortion care, Targeted Restriction of Abortion Provider (TRAP) laws, and specifically trigger laws which have banned abortion in some states immediately after Roe v. Wade was overturned in 2022. [44] The lack of access to safe abortions has been exacerbated within the past decades as states pass strict regulations around abortion especially in southern states with higher proportions of African Americans. The World Health Organization recognizes that in order to help decrease maternal mortality, access to safe abortions must be increased. And while few studies have inquired as to whether there is a direct link between unsafe abortion and maternal mortality, the studies that have been done support this link.

Preventative measures

Medical

In order to prevent maternal deaths from occurring, methods have been identified which decrease maternal mortality overall along with the accompanying health disparities. Researchers believe that by improving the quality of care within hospitals, maternal mortality would be properly addressed and accounted for. It has been suggested that higher quality hospitals, that have multiple layers of care such as administrative and patient advocates, are consistent with their collection of feedback from patients which allows for further improvement in regards to addressing maternal mortality. Additionally, maternal health-related services, such as an intensive care unit, 24-hour anesthesia, and OB/GYN specialists, contribute to the decrease of maternal mortality rate. With the prioritization of standardized care and early risk factors, issues that may lead to maternal mortality in Black women, such as hypertension, hemorrhaging, and eclampsia, would be directly addressed. [45] The new study also found that these disparities were concentrated in a few causes of death. Postpartum cardiomyopathy (heart failure) and the blood pressure disorders preeclampsia and eclampsia were the leading causes of maternal death in Black women, with mortality rates five times higher than in white women. Pregnant and postpartum Black women were also more than twice as likely as white women to die from hemorrhage or embolism (blood vessel blockage). It is also important to recognize that only 87% of Black women have health insurance and most have gaps in coverage at some point in their lives. To improve the health of Black women, policies need to be implemented that focus on the expansion and maintenance of the care and coverage. [46] In addition to improving medical care for black women, improving the living conditions of black families would also help to eliminate declining physical health conditions, as the health of communities has been proven to link directly to the overall health of the individuals who live there. [34]

Some have argued against the conventional classification of race as a risk factor in health, instead calling for the recognition of racism and poverty as the underlying factors contributing to Black maternal mortality and other poor health outcomes for Black individuals. [47] To address the medical racism that exists within healthcare, which ultimately leads to maternal mortality, many states and cities have taken initiative by creating programs to address the high levels of Black maternal mortality. Most notably, in 2018, an initiative was created in New York City in which healthcare workers had to undergo implicit bias training. [47] In addition, experts in multiple sectors, such as medicine, sociology, and law, have said that deliberately addressing racism, both within and outside of the medical field, is necessary to decrease the rate of Black maternal mortality. According to “Epidemiology of racial/ethnic disparities in severe maternal morbidity and mortality,” screenings are a large component of prevention for severe maternal morbidity which directly correlates to the increase in black mortality during pregnancy as well as access to resources (Holdt, 2017). This likely attributes to the also significant gap from black to white pregnancies to be readmitted post-pregnancy. Using the National (Nationwide) Inpatient Sample from the Healthcare Cost and Utilization Project from 2012-2014, it was discovered that black women were more likely to be readmitted postpartum, to suffer severe maternal morbidity, and suffer life-threatening complications (Aziz, 2019). By increasing screening before and during pregnancy and access to better maternal healthcare for those with Medicaid, maternal mortality for black women and post-pregnancy complications could significantly decrease; in addition, new protocols regarding how often pregnant women, especially black women, should be screened for hypertensive disorders while pregnant. [48]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Gestation</span> Period during the carrying of an embryo

Gestation is the period of development during the carrying of an embryo, and later fetus, inside viviparous animals. It is typical for mammals, but also occurs for some non-mammals. Mammals during pregnancy can have one or more gestations at the same time, for example in a multiple birth.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Infant mortality</span> Death of children under the age of 1

Infant mortality is the death of an infant before the infant's first birthday. The occurrence of infant mortality in a population can be described by the infant mortality rate (IMR), which is the number of deaths of infants under one year of age per 1,000 live births. Similarly, the child mortality rate, also known as the under-five mortality rate, compares the death rate of children up to the age of five.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Maternal death</span> Aspect of human reproduction and medicine

Maternal death or maternal mortality is defined in slightly different ways by several different health organizations. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines maternal death as the death of a pregnant mother due to complications related to pregnancy, underlying conditions worsened by the pregnancy or management of these conditions. This can occur either while she is pregnant or within six weeks of resolution of the pregnancy. The CDC definition of pregnancy-related deaths extends the period of consideration to include one year from the resolution of the pregnancy. Pregnancy associated death, as defined by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), are all deaths occurring within one year of a pregnancy resolution. Identification of pregnancy associated deaths is important for deciding whether or not the pregnancy was a direct or indirect contributing cause of the death.

Health equity arises from access to the social determinants of health, specifically from wealth, power and prestige. Individuals who have consistently been deprived of these three determinants are significantly disadvantaged from health inequities, and face worse health outcomes than those who are able to access certain resources. It is not equity to simply provide every individual with the same resources; that would be equality. In order to achieve health equity, resources must be allocated based on an individual need-based principle.

Maternal health is the health of women during pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period. In most cases, maternal health encompasses the health care dimensions of family planning, preconception, prenatal, and postnatal care in order to ensure a positive and fulfilling experience. In other cases, maternal health can reduce maternal morbidity and mortality. Maternal health revolves around the health and wellness of pregnant women, particularly when they are pregnant, at the time they give birth, and during child-raising. WHO has indicated that even though motherhood has been considered as a fulfilling natural experience that is emotional to the mother, a high percentage of women develop health problems and sometimes even die. Because of this, there is a need to invest in the health of women. The investment can be achieved in different ways, among the main ones being subsidizing the healthcare cost, education on maternal health, encouraging effective family planning, and ensuring progressive check up on the health of women with children. Maternal morbidity and mortality particularly affects women of color and women living in low and lower-middle income countries.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Reproductive justice</span> Social justice movement

Reproductive justice is a critical feminist framework that was invented as a response to United States reproductive politics. The three core values of reproductive justice are the right to have a child, the right to not have a child, and the right to parent a child or children in safe and healthy environments. The framework moves women's reproductive rights past a legal and political debate to incorporate the economic, social, and health factors that impact women's reproductive choices and decision-making ability.

Unintended pregnancies are pregnancies that are mistimed, unplanned or unwanted at the time of conception.

Black Women's Health Imperative, previously the National Black Women's Health Project, was formed in 1983 in Atlanta, Georgia out of a need to address the health and reproductive rights of African American women. NBWHP was principally founded by Byllye Avery. Avery was involved in reproductive healthcare work in Gainesville, Florida in the 1970s and was particularly influenced by the impact that policy had on women of color and poor women. Additionally Avery was also concerned with healthcare choices and wanted "to provide an environment where women could feel comfortable and take control of their own health".

Research shows many health disparities among different racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Different outcomes in mental and physical health exist between all U.S. Census-recognized racial groups, but these differences stem from different historical and current factors, including genetics, socioeconomic factors, and racism. Research has demonstrated that numerous health care professionals show implicit bias in the way that they treat patients. Certain diseases have a higher prevalence among specific racial groups, and life expectancy also varies across groups.

Prenatal care in the United States is a health care preventive care protocol recommended to women with the goal to provide regular check-ups that allow obstetricians-gynecologists, family medicine physicians, or midwives to detect, treat and prevent potential health problems throughout the course of pregnancy while promoting healthy lifestyles that benefit both mother and child. Patients are encouraged to attend monthly checkups during the first two trimesters and in the third trimester gradually increasing to weekly visits. Women who suspect they are pregnant can schedule pregnancy tests prior to 9 weeks gestation. Once pregnancy is confirmed an initial appointment is scheduled after 8 weeks gestation. Subsequent appointments consist of various tests ranging from blood pressure to glucose levels to check on the health of the mother and fetus. If not, appropriate treatment will then be provided to hinder any further complications.

This article summarizes healthcare in Texas. In 2022, the United Healthcare Foundation ranked Texas as the 38th healthiest state in the United States. Obesity, excessive drinking, maternal mortality, infant mortality, vaccinations, mental health, and limited access to healthcare are among the major public health issues facing Texas.

Women's reproductive health in the United States refers to the set of physical, mental, and social issues related to the health of women in the United States. It includes the rights of women in the United States to adequate sexual health, available contraception methods, and treatment for sexually transmitted diseases. The prevalence of women's health issues in American culture is inspired by second-wave feminism in the United States. As a result of this movement, women of the United States began to question the largely male-dominated health care system and demanded a right to information on issues regarding their physiology and anatomy. The U.S. government has made significant strides to propose solutions, like creating the Women's Health Initiative through the Office of Research on Women's Health in 1991. However, many issues still exist related to the accessibility of reproductive healthcare as well as the stigma and controversy attached to sexual health, contraception, and sexually transmitted diseases.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Maternal healthcare in Texas</span>

Maternal healthcare in Texas refers to the provision of family planning services, abortion options, pregnancy-related services, and physical and mental well-being care for women during the prenatal and postpartum periods. The provision of maternal health services in each state can prevent and reduce the incidence of maternal morbidity and mortality and fetal death.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Maternal mortality in the United States</span> Overview of maternal mortality in the United States

Maternal mortality refers to the death of a woman during her pregnancy or up to a year after her pregnancy has terminated; this metric only includes causes related to the pregnancy, and does not include accidental causes. Some sources will define maternal mortality as the death of a woman up to 42 days after the pregnancy has ended, instead of one year. In 1986, the CDC began tracking pregnancy-related deaths to gather information and determine what was causing these deaths by creating the Pregnancy-Related Mortality Surveillance System. According to a 2010-2011 report although the United States was spending more on healthcare than any other country in the world, more than two women died during childbirth every day, making maternal mortality in the United States the highest when compared to 49 other countries in the developed world.

The weathering hypothesis was proposed to account for early health deterioration as a result of cumulative exposure to experiences of social, economic, and political adversity. It is well documented that minority groups and marginalized communities suffer from poorer health outcomes. This may be due to a multitude of stressors including prejudice, social alienation, institutional bias, political oppression, economic exclusion, and racial discrimination. The weathering hypothesis proposes that the cumulative burden of these stressors as individuals age is "weathering", and the increased weathering experienced by minority groups compared to others can account for differences in health outcomes. In recent years, the biological plausibility of the weathering hypothesis has been investigated in studies evaluating the physiological effects of social, environmental and political stressors among marginalized communities. This has led to more widespread use of the weathering hypothesis as a framework for explaining health disparities on the basis of differential exposure to racially based stressors. Researchers have also identified patterns connecting weathering to biological phenomena associated with stress and aging, such as allostatic load, epigenetics, telomere shortening, and accelerated brain aging.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on African diaspora</span>

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed race-based health care disparities in many countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, Norway, Sweden, Canada, and Singapore. These disparities are believed to originate from structural racism in these countries which pre-dates the pandemic; a commentary in The BMJ noted that "ethnoracialised differences in health outcomes have become the new normal across the world" as a result of ethnic and racial disparities in COVID-19 healthcare, determined by social factors. Data from the United States and elsewhere shows that minorities, especially black people, have been infected and killed at a disproportionate rate to white people.

Chaniece Wallace, a black woman and physician, died at 30 years of age from complications of pregnancy two days after the birth of her daughter. Her death is seen as preventable and is viewed in the context of high rates of maternal mortality in the United States, particularly among the African American population. It is cited as an example in medical and scholarly publications to call for improved health outcomes in the black U.S. population. Wallace died despite several factors seen as protective: she was "highly educated, employed as a health care practitioner, had access to health care, and had a supportive family." Wallace was a fourth year pediatric chief resident at the Indiana University School of Medicine and was working at Riley Children's Health Hospital at the time of her death.

Maternal health outcomes differ significantly between racial groups within the United States. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists describes these disparities in obstetric outcomes as "prevalent and persistent." Black, indigenous, and people of color are disproportionately affected by many of the maternal health outcomes listed as national objectives in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services's national health objectives program, Healthy People 2030. The American Public Health Association considers maternal mortality to be a human rights issue, also noting the disparate rates of Black maternal death. Race affects maternal health throughout the pregnancy continuum, beginning prior to conception and continuing through pregnancy (antepartum), during labor and childbirth (intrapartum), and after birth (postpartum).

The COVID-19 pandemic has had an unequal impact on different racial and ethnic groups in the United States, resulting in new disparities of health outcomes as well as exacerbating existing health and economic disparities.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Maternity care deserts in the United States</span> Counties that lack maternity care resources

Maternity care deserts in the United States, also known as maternal care deserts, are counties that lack maternity care resources. The March of Dimes defines a maternity care desert as a county that has no hospitals or birth centers offering obstetric care and no obstetric providers. As of 2020 March of Dimes classified 1095 of 3139 of U.S. counties (34.9%) as maternity care deserts. Its 2022 report indicated an increase of nearly 2%, with 1119 of 3142 US counties (35.6%) considered maternity care deserts, affecting a population of over 5.6 million women. People living in maternity care deserts may have to travel longer distances to receive care, which is associated with higher costs and a greater risk of pregnancy complications.

References

  1. "Maternal Mortality". www.cdc.gov. October 27, 2021. Retrieved March 28, 2022.
  2. Oribhabor, Geraldine I; Nelson, Maxine L; Buchanan-Peart, Keri-Ann R; Cancarevic, Ivan (July 15, 2020). "A Mother's Cry: A Race to Eliminate the Influence of Racial Disparities on Maternal Morbidity and Mortality Rates Among Black Women in America". Cureus. 12 (7): e9207. doi: 10.7759/cureus.9207 . ISSN   2168-8184. PMC   7366037 . PMID   32685330.
  3. "Maternal Mortality Rates in the United States, 2021". www.cdc.gov. March 16, 2023. Retrieved July 16, 2023.
  4. "Racial Disparities Persist in Maternal Morbidity, Mortality and Infant Health". AJMC. June 14, 2020. Retrieved October 22, 2020.
  5. Oribhabor, Geraldine I; Nelson, Maxine L; Buchanan-Peart, Keri-Ann R; Cancarevic, Ivan (2020). "A Mother's Cry: A Race to Eliminate the Influence of Racial Disparities on Maternal Morbidity and Mortality Rates Among Black Women in America". Cureus. 12 (7): e9207. doi: 10.7759/cureus.9207 . ISSN   2168-8184. PMC   7366037 . PMID   32685330.
  6. MacDorman, Marian F.; Thoma, Marie; Declcerq, Eugene; Howell, Elizabeth A. (September 2021). "Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Maternal Mortality in the United States Using Enhanced Vital Records, 2016‒2017". American Journal of Public Health. 111 (9): 1673–1681. doi:10.2105/ajph.2021.306375. ISSN   0090-0036. PMC   8563010 . PMID   34383557.
  7. "EIHS Lecture: "Partus Sequitur Ventrem: Slave Law and the History of Women in Slavery" | U-M LSA Eisenberg Institute for Historical Studies (EIHS)". lsa.umich.edu. Retrieved April 30, 2024.
  8. Steckel, Richard H. (1986). "A Peculiar Population: The Nutrition, Health, and Mortality of American Slaves from Childhood to Maturity". The Journal of Economic History. 46 (3): 721–741. doi:10.1017/S0022050700046842. ISSN   0022-0507. JSTOR   2121481. PMID   11617309.
  9. 1 2 3 Owens, Deirdre Cooper; Fett, Sharla M. (October 2019). "Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery". American Journal of Public Health. 109 (10): 1342–1345. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2019.305243. ISSN   0090-0036. PMC   6727302 . PMID   31415204.
  10. Urell, Aaryn (August 29, 2019). "Medical Exploitation of Black Women". Equal Justice Initiative. Retrieved April 30, 2024.
  11. "Lucy, Anarcha, and Betsey". ABOG. Retrieved May 1, 2024.
  12. "Betsey, Lucy, and Anarcha Days of Recognition". www.acog.org. Retrieved April 30, 2024.
  13. 1 2 "Unpacking the Root Causes of Black Maternal Mortality - National Organization for Women". now.org. May 3, 2023. Retrieved April 30, 2024.
  14. Nuriddin, Ayah; Mooney, Graham; White, Alexandre I R (October 2020). "Reckoning with histories of medical racism and violence in the USA". The Lancet. 396 (10256): 949–951. doi:10.1016/s0140-6736(20)32032-8. ISSN   0140-6736. PMC   7529391 . PMID   33010829.
  15. "How we fail black patients in pain".
  16. Jansen, Jonathan; Walters, Cyrill, eds. (April 1, 2020). Fault Lines: A primer on race, science and society. doi:10.18820/9781928480495. hdl:10019.1/109577. ISBN   9781928480495. S2CID   229145601.
  17. The gender and science reader. Muriel Lederman, Ingrid Bartsch. London: Routledge. 2001. ISBN   0-415-21357-6. OCLC   44426765.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  18. "Henrietta Lacks: science must right a historical wrong". Nature. 585 (7823): 7. September 1, 2020. Bibcode:2020Natur.585....7.. doi:10.1038/d41586-020-02494-z. PMID   32873976. S2CID   221466551.
  19. 1 2 Owens, Deirdre Cooper; Fett, Sharla M. (August 15, 2019). "Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery". American Journal of Public Health. 109 (10): 1342–1345. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2019.305243. ISSN   0090-0036. PMC   6727302 . PMID   31415204.
  20. "Henrietta Lacks' estate sued a company saying it used her 'stolen' cells for research". NPR. Associated Press. October 4, 2021. Retrieved October 19, 2021.
  21. Burris, H. H., Passarella, M., Handley, S. C., Srinivas, S. K., & Lorch, S. A. (2021). Black-white disparities in maternal in-hospital mortality according to teaching and black-serving hospital status. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 225(1), 1–83. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajog.2021.01.004 Gemmill, A., Berger, B. O., Crane, M. A., & Margerison, C. E. (2022). Mortality rates among u.s. women of reproductive age, 1999-2019. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 62(4), 548–557. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2021.10.009 Merkt, P. T., Kramer, M. R., Goodman, D. A., Brantley, M. D., Barrera, C. M., Eckhaus, L., & Petersen, E. E. (2021). Urban-rural differences in pregnancy-related deaths, United States, 2011-2016. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 225(2), 1–183. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajog.2021.02.028
  22. 1 2 3 Gadson, Alexis; Akpovi, Eloho; Mehta, Pooja K. (August 1, 2017). "Exploring the social determinants of racial/ethnic disparities in prenatal care utilization and maternal outcome". Seminars in Perinatology. Strategies to reduce Racial/Ethnic Disparities in Maternal Morbidity and Mortality. 41 (5): 308–317. doi:10.1053/j.semperi.2017.04.008. ISSN   0146-0005. PMID   28625554.
  23. NAM JIN YOUNG; Eun-Cheol Park (May 2018). "The Association between Adequate Prenatal Care and Severe Maternal Morbidity: A Population-based Cohort Study". Journal of the Korean Society of Maternal and Child Health. 22 (2): 112–123. doi: 10.21896/jksmch.2018.22.2.112 . ISSN   1226-4652. S2CID   81182382.
  24. Gadson, Alexis; Akpovi, Eloho; Mehta, Pooja K. (August 2017). "Exploring the social determinants of racial/ethnic disparities in prenatal care utilization and maternal outcome". Seminars in Perinatology. 41 (5): 308–317. doi:10.1053/j.semperi.2017.04.008. ISSN   0146-0005. PMID   28625554.
  25. 1 2 Wallace, Maeve; Dyer, Lauren; Felker-Kantor, Erica; Benno, Jia; Vilda, Dovile; Harville, Emily; Theall, Katherine (March 2021). "Maternity Care Deserts and Pregnancy-Associated Mortality in Louisiana". Women's Health Issues. 31 (2): 122–129. doi:10.1016/j.whi.2020.09.004. ISSN   1049-3867. PMC   8005403 . PMID   33069560.
  26. Davis, Dána-Ain (2019). Reproductive Injustice: Racism, Pregnancy, and Premature Birth. New York: New York University Press.
  27. "PRIME PubMed | Syndemic Perspectives to Guide Black Maternal Health Research and Prevention During the COVID-19 Pandemic". www.unboundmedicine.com. Retrieved October 9, 2020.
  28. Long-Bellil, Linda; Valentine, Anne; Mitra, Monika (2021), Lollar, Donald J.; Horner-Johnson, Willi; Froehlich-Grobe, Katherine (eds.), "Achieving Equity: Including Women with Disabilities in Maternal and Child Health Policies and Programs", Public Health Perspectives on Disability: Science, Social Justice, Ethics, and Beyond, New York, NY: Springer US, pp. 207–224, doi:10.1007/978-1-0716-0888-3_10, ISBN   978-1-0716-0888-3, S2CID   225010310 , retrieved October 9, 2021
  29. Mheta, Doreen; Mashamba-Thompson, Tivani P. (May 16, 2017). "Barriers and facilitators of access to maternal services for women with disabilities: scoping review protocol". Systematic Reviews. 6 (1): 99. doi: 10.1186/s13643-017-0494-7 . ISSN   2046-4053. PMC   5432992 . PMID   28511666.
  30. Brown, C. C., Adams, C. E., & Moore, J. E. (2021). Race, medicaid coverage, and equity in maternal morbidity. Women's Health Issues : Official Publication of the Jacobs Institute of Women's Health, 31(3), 245–253. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.whi.2020.12.005 Mallampati, D., Federspiel, J., Wheeler, S. M., Small, M., Hughes, B. L., Menard, K., Quist-Nelson, J., & Meng, M. L. (2022). Incidence of severe maternal morbidity by race and payer status at an academic medical system. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology: Supplement, 226(1), 440. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajog.2021.11.731
  31. Lister, Rolanda L; Drake, Wonder; Scott, Baldwin H; Graves, Cornelia (2019). "Black Maternal Mortality-The Elephant in the Room". World Journal of Gynecology & Women's Health. 3 (1). doi:10.33552/wjgwh.2019.03.000555. ISSN   2641-6247. PMC   7384760 . PMID   32719828.
  32. Kuriya, Anita; Piedimonte, Sabrina; Spence, Andrea R.; Czuzoj-Shulman, Nicholas; Kezouh, Abbas; Abenhaim, Haim A. (February 18, 2016). "Incidence and causes of maternal mortality in the USA". Journal of Obstetrics and Gynaecology Research. 42 (6): 661–668. doi:10.1111/jog.12954. ISSN   1341-8076. PMID   26890471. S2CID   1087698.
  33. Metcalfe, Amy; Wick, James; Ronksley, Paul (2018). "Racial disparities in comorbidity and severe maternal morbidity/mortality in the United States: an analysis of temporal trends". Acta Obstetricia et Gynecologica Scandinavica. 97 (1): 89–96. doi: 10.1111/aogs.13245 . ISSN   1600-0412. PMID   29030982. S2CID   207028740.
  34. 1 2 B’MORE FOR HEALTHY BABIES A Collaborative Funding Model to Reduce Infant Mortality in Baltimore. (n.d.). https://assets.aecf.org/m/resourcedoc/AECF-BmoreforHealthyBabies-2018.pdf
  35. Tyler, Elizabeth (2022). "Black mothers matter: The social, political and legal determinants of black maternal health across the lifespan". Journal of Health Care and Law. 25 (1): 49–89. Retrieved May 19, 2022.
  36. 1 2 van Ryn, Michelle; Burgess, Diana J.; Dovidio, John F.; Phelan, Sean M.; Saha, Somnath; Malat, Jennifer; Griffin, Joan M.; Fu, Steven S.; Perry, Sylvia (April 1, 2011). "The Impact of Racism on Clinician Cognition, Behavior, and Clinical Decision Making". Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race. 8 (1): 199–218. doi:10.1017/S1742058X11000191. ISSN   1742-058X. PMC   3993983 . PMID   24761152.
  37. FitzGerald, Chloë; Hurst, Samia (March 1, 2017). "Implicit bias in healthcare professionals: a systematic review". BMC Medical Ethics. 18 (1): 19. doi: 10.1186/s12910-017-0179-8 . ISSN   1472-6939. PMC   5333436 . PMID   28249596.
  38. 1 2 Boston, 677 Huntington Avenue; Ma 02115 +1495‑1000 (December 18, 2018). "America is Failing its Black Mothers". Harvard Public Health Magazine. Retrieved October 22, 2020.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  39. Woods-Giscombé, Cheryl L. (May 2010). "Superwoman Schema: African American Women's Views on Stress, Strength, and Health". Qualitative Health Research. 20 (5): 668–683. doi:10.1177/1049732310361892. ISSN   1049-7323. PMC   3072704 . PMID   20154298.
  40. Rosenthal, L., & Lobel, M. (2018). Gendered racism and the sexual and reproductive health of Black and Latina Women. Ethnicity & Health, 25(3), 1–26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13557858.2018.1439896
  41. 43 Campbell L. Rev. 243 (2021) Can You Hear Me?: How Implicit Bias Creates a Disparate Impact in Maternal Healthcare for Black Women, Glover, Kenya [ 34 pages, 243 to [vi] ]
  42. "Black Women's Maternal Health". www.nationalpartnership.org. Retrieved October 19, 2021.
  43. Verma, Nisha; Shainker, Scott A. (August 2020). "Maternal mortality, abortion access, and optimizing care in an increasingly restrictive United States: A review of the current climate". Seminars in Perinatology. 44 (5): 151269. doi:10.1016/j.semperi.2020.151269. ISSN   1558-075X. PMID   32653091. S2CID   220502603.
  44. Ellmann, Nora (August 27, 2020). "State Actions Undermining Abortion Rights in 2020". Center for American Progress. Retrieved April 5, 2021.
  45. Howell, Elizabeth A; Zeitlin, Jennifer (August 2017). "Improving Hospital Quality to Reduce Disparities in Severe Maternal Morbidity and Mortality". Seminars in Perinatology. 41 (5): 266–272. doi:10.1053/j.semperi.2017.04.002. ISSN   0146-0005. PMC   5592149 . PMID   28735811.
  46. "Black Women's Maternal Health". www.nationalpartnership.org. Retrieved October 19, 2021.
  47. 1 2 Owens, Deirdre Cooper; Fett, Sharla M. (August 15, 2019). "Black Maternal and Infant Health: Historical Legacies of Slavery". American Journal of Public Health. 109 (10): 1342–1345. doi:10.2105/AJPH.2019.305243. ISSN   0090-0036. PMC   6727302 . PMID   31415204.
  48. Aziz, A., Gyamfi-Bannerman, C., Siddiq, Z., Wright, J. D., Goffman, D., Sheen, J.-J., D'Alton, M. E., & Friedman, A. M. (2019). Maternal outcomes by race during postpartum readmissions. American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, 220(5), 1–484. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ajog.2019.02.016 Holdt Somer, S. J., Sinkey, R. G., & Bryant, A. S. (2017). Epidemiology of racial/ethnic disparities in severe maternal morbidity and mortality. Seminars in Perinatology, 41(5), 258–265. https://doi.org/10.1053/j.semperi.2017.04.001