Berber-speaking areas belonging to Kossmann's "Tunisian-Zuwara" dialectal group
Tamazight of Djerba, Shilha of Djerba, Djerbi or Djerbian (in Berber: eddwi jjerbi or Tadjerbit) is a Berber language of the Eastern Maghreb, spoken on the island of Djerba, in Tunisia.[2][3] It is a component of what is regularly denominated Tunisian "Shilha" or "Chelha" in the south of the country.
The Tamazight of Djerba belongs to the group of Zenet languages of the East, to which also belong the other Berber dialects of Tunisia as well as that of the city of Zuwarah in Libya.[4]
Geographical distribution
At the end of the 19th century, Tamazight (or Berber) was apparently well established and spoken through the island. It was then possible to connect the dialect of Djerba to other Berber-speaking areas of Maghreb, and many orientalists like Adolphe de Calassanti Motilynski or René Basset (father of André Basset) were able to collect data, in particular tales and legends in vernacular. However, in the same time began the first significant statutory decline of Berber, in Djerba and more generally across the whole Maghreb. Different factors explain such a process, as the French sociolinguist Francis Manzano has pointed out. The reflection involves both French and Arabic. It also goes beyond Tunisia by suggesting a reflection on a North African scale.[5][6]
On the one hand, French had reached rural populations more and more from the end of the 19th century, and the beginning of the 20th. This concerned men from Djerba,in contact with the bases of spoken French of the protectorate, in particular through commercial activities, an important activity of many Djerbians who emigrate through Tunisia and France, like "Kabyles" (Algeria) and "Chleuhs" (Morocco) migrants. At the same time, colonial education (although with shortcomings), combined with new administrative necessities, affected more and more efficiently the young people of the island.[7] Conscription (increasingly important, with the two world wars that were to follow), also favored the growing learning of French by men. This language therefore began to play the role of a new koine as the colonial Maghreb depended heavily on metropolitan France and the whole French colonial empire.
In the 19th century, the influence of dialectal Arabic was limited to geographic sectors of contact between rural Berber areas and more urban areas, with an Arabic-speaking growing population. It is, paradoxically, colonization in Algeria (or the French protectorates in Morocco and Tunisia) which allowed the Arabic language to benefit from new channels of diffusion and penetration within the Berber continuum. In addition, Arab was an estimated written language (notably in religious and administrative matters), and this favored its dissemination. The anti-colonial struggle indeed required the use of a written language opposable to French, something impossible for Berber in this period. Of course, the fact that Arabic is closely associated with Islam was a factor of progress, as it made Arabic the main language of the identity response among regional elites. All these facts, accumulated and amplified, could therefore only weaken the Berber language and prepare the current sociolinguistic landscape. From this complex process resulted that Tamazight of Djerba was variably spoken during the 20th century in seven main localities of the south and east of the island: El May, Cedriane (or Sedriyan), Mahboubine, Sedouikech, Ajim (or Adjim) and Guellala, with strong decline during the second part of the century, in most of these villages (see below the study of Francis Manzano). The main exception was Guellala where some studies and reviews mentioned regularly a clear reservoir[2]
Recent information on Berber dialects in Tunisia and the current situation are imprecise. But we are better informed about the state and the realities of the Berber-speaking communities of the island during the first half of the 20th century, through the generalist works of René Stablo and those of the French dialectologist André Basset. At the end of the sixties, linguists and sociolinguists took up observations on the language practices of Berber of Tunisia and Djerba, while linguistics and sociolinguistics were actively spreading in Tunisia and more generally in Maghrib. The whole documentation highlights a declining language, little (or not at all) correlated with a positive collective consciousness of identity. It is, in most cases, a minority language, often stigmatized, and unprotected by the institutions or the general culture of the State.
Linguistic characteristics
Geodiachronical aspects
Francis Manzano, on the basis of personal surveys and various previous works, carried out an analysis of the sociolinguistic landscape of the island at the beginning of the 1990s.[8]
Most of the Berber speakers were found in the sectors of Guellala, Sedouikech, Srandi and Khenansa, in the centre and the south of the island. They were overwhelmingly bilingual (Arabic and Tamazight), trilingual (Arabic, French, Tamazight) and often more, as many of them were employed in the touristic area where they learned and speak usually English, German, Italian and many languages of the Mediterranean.
On the other hand, further north, there were no Berber speakers since the time of Stablo or Basset (Houmt Souk and Midoun), or it was very old people who could no longer find partners to express themselves in their mother tongue (Mahboubine). As a usual language of public space, Berber seemed to have already disappeared in El May and perhaps in Ajim, two areas where it was reported a few years earlier. In a synthetic cartography,[9] the author showed how the decline of the Berber language seemed to have occurred since the work of Basset[10] and those of Thomas Penchoen.[11] The main Arabization started in the north of the island (1930-1940: Houmt Souk and Midoun) bypassed and isolated the centre / south of the island in the 1960s. Finally remained, in 1990, a hard core in the south, already centred on Guellala, Berber being often catalogued as the jargon of the potters of this locality.[8]
Sociolinguistic aspects
This geographic decline is accompanied by a generational decline of Berber, regularly highlighted by informants. Most of them declare that the youngest know only fragments, some words and snatches, or ignore it completely.[8] Tunisian school seems to be a major source of this decline, because it provides a real training in Arabic and French, which tends to cut young people off from their Berber environment.[8]
Another heavy factor lies in the touristic activity, as Djerba is one of the most famous summer spots in the Mediterranean. This situation tends to devaluate Berber in the language exchanges and contacts, the more so as no Berber heritage cultural movement took shape in the 1990s. In this context, it was judged that learning English, German or Italian (or others languages of the hotels), with high economic and professional value, was surely better; so that Tamazight was essentially spoken by women and old people in the villages and their rural activities.
The religious factor is also important, in the Maghrebian context. Thus, an informant from the northeast of the island, questioned in 1990, about the Algerian Berber movement (at that time very virulent), could not understand the "refusal to speak Arabic, very astonishing and shocking among Muslims".[12] He thus summarized a very "normal" opinion in the Tunisian sociolinguistic system, that of a logical replacement of Berber by Arabic.
Past studies, like the most recent ones, show that Djerba's Tamazight is conceived as a language of intimacy, of the family, reserved or confined to collective memory, and promised to disappear. It is a language that has been dominated for a long time and which spontaneously retracted to escape the various sociolinguistic pressures mentioned.[13]
Lexical and typological characteristics
The same survey allows us to establish that in a lexical sample of a hundred fundamental words declared "Berber" in Guellala, about three-quarters are effectively Berbers indeed, such as argaz ("man"), aɣrum ("bread") or anzar ("rain") [anẓaṛ], words clearly distinguished from their Arabic equivalents, and regularly presenting a typically Berber phonological structure, such as adu ("wind") [aḏu], with very audible interdental fricative (or spirant) phoneme. In contrast, a quarter of the words tested seems to come from Arabic, such as alɛafit (< Arabic [ɛāfja]) or (ǝ)lkes (< Arabic [kạ̄s]). This probably reveal a penetration of the Berber system, in proportions yet established by Ridwan Collins, in his study of the Berber of Tamezret. This Arabization can indirectly affect the sub-system of the verb (example [əxdəm] "to work", from Arabic). Finally, we may note that several of these words borrowed from Arabic agglutinate the article and the lexeme. As Penchoen[11] or Ahmed Boukouss[14] observe years ago, we can see in this fact an inability to integrate the Arabic word into the Tamazight reception system, and the index of a strong and ancient sociolinguistic pressure of Arabic.
Phonetic and phonological characteristics
For consonants, the Berber dialects of Djerba are in an intermediate position between the dialects with a "spirant" tendency of Algeria (such as Kabyle or Chaoui, which regularly present fricatives/spirants in place of occlusives), and the dialects where the occlusives are well maintained (like Tachelhit in Morocco, and Tamasheq in Algeria). A phenomenon comparable to what occurs in Hebrew (begadkefat) is observed in Djerba. The occlusives/plosives become fricatives after a vowel, but keep their occlusive character at the beginning of a word, or after a consonant.[15]
For vocalism, it differs from most other varieties of Northern Berber, which generally have three cardinal vowel phonemes: /i/, /a/, /u/. Indeed, /ə/ may have phonological value here, at least in certain contexts. As a result, in Djerba (as also in Tamasheq), the themes of the aorist and the perfective of roots called "zero vocalism" are different (while they coincide in most other Berber dialects). For example, for əxdəm ("to work", borrowed from Arabic), the aorist theme is /xdm/ (purely consonantal), while the conjugate forms are realized by syllables containing ə, of changing position according to the context ([tayəxdəm] "he will work", but [taxədməɣ] "I will work"); the aorist's theme is /xdəm/, and contains the phoneme ə, whose position remains fixed across the paradigm ([yəxdəm] "he worked", [xdəməɣ] "I worked").[15]
/a/ may also range to [æ] in different positions.[16]
Ethno-toponymic characteristics
Toponymy is an excellent indicator of the ethnic roots of a region, but we do not have complete studies on the toponymy of Djerba, although the linguist Vermondo Brugnatelli has carried out surveys and partial studies on the toponymy of Djerba.[17] Nevertheless, the work of Arthur Pellegrin (1949) gives various direct or indirect data on the island.[18] Evelyne Ben Jaafar's book (1985) recalls various Libyco-Punic etymologies, although it does not specifically consider the Berber toponymy of Tunisia. An old but very useful work remains that of Émile Laoust (1942), a good model for approaching Amazigh toponymy of the Maghrib.[19] On these points, regional archeology also brings various elements which militate for the continuity from ancient Libyan ("libyque") to Tamazight.[20][21][22][23]
Berber onomastic marks appear especially in sectors where the local language seems to have held up better over time. Thus, in Guellala, a mosque is called Tamazguida, a common Berber designation in various parts of the Maghreb.[24]
The visible Berber structures are the names of towns and villages, micro toponyms, or even ethnonyms (names of tribes). This last case was previously established for Sedouikech and Sedriyan, Ibn Khaldoun specifying: "The inhabitants [of Djerba] belong to the Berber race and are part of the Ketama tribe. Indeed, there are, even today, Sedouîkîch and Sadghîan, peoples of Ketamian origin [...] In ancient times, the Djerbians professed Kharedjism and even, nowadays, one finds there two branches of this heretical sect ".[25] Another example is that of the toponym El May, which comes from the aṯ-Alemmay, a fraction of the same tribe of the Sedouikech.[17]
Different Berber place names on the island have correspondents in the Maghreb, such as Taourirt for "small hill" (in the region of Houmt Souk),[26][27] a very common type in Morocco and Algeria (from aourir "hill"),[28][29] or Tamast (Sedouikech), also present in Algeria and Morocco under graphic variants such as Tamest. In these toponyms appears the discontinuous morphological scheme {t – t}, a regular formator of feminine or diminutive in Tamazight (see: aserḏun "mule", ṯaserḏunṯ "mule female", afus "hand", ṯafust "small hand"). Several other toponyms reproduce this structure, such as Tafertast (Sedouikech) or Tianest (Ouallagh). The Berber background appears in series which are not always immediately intelligible without toponymic field surveys: Aghir,[30]Taguermess, Temlel (Midoun),[31]Tarhdimess (Ouallagh), Tghala (Sedouikech), etc. According to Vermondo Brugnatelli,[17] toponyms like Taguermes (s) or Tarhdimess illustrate a diachronic phonetic law in the final of lexia: * -st> -ss> -s. So we are allowed to restore toponyms typic of Tamazight and of the structure mentioned above: * Taguermest and * Tarhdimest.
Mainly located in the east and south of the island, a toponymy of Berber origin can be found further north (Ghizen,[32]Tajdit), or towards the west, regions where Tamazight is no longer spoken in our days. This seems to be the case with Agga,[33] close to Mellita. Here opens a linguistic space of contact with other languages of Antiquity in Tunisia. Mellita, like its North African equivalents, from Morocco to Libya (including Mellita, from the Kerkennah Islands in Tunisia[34]), could be linked to the base already mentioned (amellall or amellul "white"), but also to a Punic root * MLT, attested in the generic name of Malta islands.[35] Such contacts between the "Libyco-Berber" background and the Carthaginian (Semitic) stratum are plausible and frequently documented. One of the problems remains, however, the precision of the sure antic attestations, or that of restitution hypotheses. The importance of the Punic remains and the very nature of the materials collected allow us to glimpse an island that has long been opened to maritime, economic and cultural influences from outside (and for this reason rather welcoming to different toponymic influences): Greek, Hellenistic, Punic and Latin. For example, an islet in front of Ajim bears the name of Taɣlisya, local adaptation and evolution of the Latin ECCLESIA ("church"), a toponymic type otherwise frequent in North Africa 14. This is further illustrated by the site of Tala (or Henchir Tala),[36] which does not fail to evoke the Pan-Berber name of the "source" or of the "water point" (tala or thala),[37][38] as the site seems to have supplied water to the Meninx region, constituting the departure of an aqueduct towards the coastal city.
Of course, the toponymic meeting between Berber and Arab is extremely frequent across the Maghreb. This is the case in Djerba, for example for Ras Taguermess (Midoun) or Oued Amghar (Sedouikech), where a recurrent Arabic toponymic appellative (ras for "cape", oued for "river") has doubled the Berber item.[39] It is also common for places to be named twice in Berber and Arabic. This phenomenon, very negative on the sociolinguistic level (because it prepares a toponymic replacement), is found regularly in the Maghreb and in Djerba too; for example, in the case already mentioned of Taɣlisya, called Guettâya Guebliya in Arabic, or in that of a neighboring islet, called Tawsiẖt in Tamazight, and Guettâyet el Bahariya in Arabic.[17]
From retreat to language death
North Africa has a deeply stable edifice of language, within which three language sources claim influence. The indigenous Berber languages, Romance languages (Latin, French, Spanish, and Italian), and Semitic languages (Punic, Arabic) have shared the linguistic domain of the region dating back to the Classical Period, given the Maghreb's proximity to many other Mediterranean languages and cultures. An outdated and largely discredited linguistic model considers Tunisia to be distinct from other Maghrebi countries by having a historically "much more fragile" Berber influence than in Algeria or Morocco, for example. Given Tunisia's extensive history of colonial subjugation, this is a highly incomplete picture of Tunisia's linguistic history. As of 2011, however,[40] Arabic and French are used nearly equally, while Berber languages are minimized or ignored.[41]
This trend has been observed in Djerba as well.[42] Some scholars claim that the Berber-speaking population of the island has been in decline since the end of the 19th century, in both numerical and statutory terms. While there is a severe lack of demolinguistic data that attempts to estimate the real number of Tamazight speakers, the most recent study estimates a few thousand speakers remain. Almost all speakers are concentrated in the south-east of Djerba, and practice mainly partial, discreet, and even cryptic dialects, of the native language.[43] Given the steep rate of decline, and the social context of Mediterranean tourism (and its negative effects), Tamazight may not survive. Djerba families, having been constrained by the historically rural nature of the island, are rapidly being forced to adapt to a globalized, tri-lingual Tunisian culture.[42][44][45][5]
The decline of Djerba Berber may be attributed in part to a lack of local Berber-speaking elites, which have been influential in the preservation of Berber languages at the university and administrative levels in Morocco and Algeria. In contrast, Tamazight is not taught in any primary/secondary schools or universities, and the Tunisian government has failed to protect or preserve indigenous languages in the country.[46][47] Likewise, the international movement to support endangered languages and identities (UNESCO type)[45] does not seem to have any influence on language policy in Tunisia. The confluence of these factors will likely end with the disappearance of Tamazight, a textbook case of language death.[42][8]
Related Research Articles
Tifinagh is a script used to write the Berber languages. Tifinagh is descended from the ancient Libyco-Berber alphabet. The traditional Tifinagh, sometimes called Tuareg Tifinagh, is still favored by the Tuareg Berbers of the Sahara desert in southern Algeria, northeastern Mali, northern Niger, and northern Burkina Faso for writing the Tuareg Berber language. Neo-Tifinagh is an alphabet developed by Berber Academy to adopt Tuareg Tifinagh for use with Kabyle; it has been since modified for use across North Africa.
Zenaga is a Berber language on the verge of extinction currently spoken in Mauritania and northern Senegal by a few hundred people. Zenaga Berber is spoken as a mother tongue from the town of Mederdra in southwestern Mauritania to the Atlantic coast and in northern Senegal. The language is recognized by the Mauritanian government.
Tamazgha is a fictitious entity and neologism in the Berber languages denoting the lands traditionally inhabited by the Berber peoples within the Maghreb. The term was coined in the 1970s by the Berber Academy in France and, since the late 1990s, has gained particular significance among speakers of Berber languages. Although Berberists see Tamazgha as the geographic embodiment of a Berber imaginary of a once unified language and culture that had its own territory, it has never been a single political entity, and Berbers across the Maghreb did not see themselves as a single cultural or linguistic unit, nor was there a greater "Berber community" due to their differing cultures and languages. Despite this, certain Berberists such as members of the Algerian separatist Movement for the Self-Determination of Kabylia use the term to imagine and describe a hypothetical federation spanning between the Canary Islands and the Siwa Oasis, a large swathe of territory including Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Mauritania, Mali, Niger, Egypt, the Western Sahara, Burkina Faso and Senegal.
Shawiya, or Shawiya Berber, also spelt Chaouïa, is a Zenati Berber language spoken in Algeria by the Shawiya people. The language's primary speech area is the Awras Mountains in Eastern Algeria and the surrounding areas, including parts of Western Tunisia, including Batna, Khenchela, Sétif, Oum El Bouaghi, Souk Ahras, Tébessa and the northern part of Biskra. It is closely related to the Shenwa language of Central Algeria.
The Zenati languages are a branch of the Northern Berber language family of North Africa. They were named after the medieval Zenata Berber tribal confederation. They were first proposed in the works of French linguist Edmond Destaing (1915) (1920–23). Zenata dialects are distributed across the central Berber world (Maghreb), from northeastern Morocco to just west of Algiers, and the northern Sahara, from southwestern Algeria around Bechar to Zuwara in Libya. The most widely spoken Zenati languages are Tmazight of the Rif in northern Morocco and Tashawit Berber in northeastern Algeria, each of which have over 3 million speakers.
Tunisian Arabic, or simply Tunisian, is a variety of Arabic spoken in Tunisia. It is known among its 12 million speakers as Tūnsi, "Tunisian" or Derja to distinguish it from Modern Standard Arabic, the official language of Tunisia. Tunisian Arabic is mostly similar to eastern Algerian Arabic and western Libyan Arabic.
The Chaoui people or Shawia are a Berber ethnic group native to the Aurès region in northeastern Algeria which spans Batna and Khenchla, Oum El Bouaghi provinces located in and surrounded by the Aurès Mountains.
The indigenous population of the Maghreb region of North Africa encompass a diverse grouping of several heterogenous ethnic groups who predate the arrival of Arabs in the Arab migration to the Maghreb. They are collectively known as Berbers or Amazigh in English. The native plural form Imazighen is sometimes also used in English. While "Berber" is more widely known among English-speakers, its usage is a subject of debate, due to its historical background as an exonym and present equivalence with the Arabic word for "barbarian." When speaking English, indigenous North Africans typically refer to themselves as "Amazigh."
The Berber calendar is the agricultural calendar traditionally used by Berbers. The calendar is utilized to regulate the seasonal agricultural works.
Central Atlas Tamazight or Atlasic is a Berber language of the Afroasiatic language family spoken by 3.1 million speakers.
Judeo-Tunisian Arabic, also known as Judeo-Tunisian, is a variety of Tunisian Arabic mainly spoken by Jews living or formerly living in Tunisia. Speakers are older adults, and the younger generation has only a passive knowledge of the language.
Tetserret (Tin-Sert) is a Western Berber language spoken by the Ait-Awari and Kel Eghlal Tuareg tribes of the Akoubounou (Akabinu) commune in Niger. This main speech area is located between Abalak, Akoubounou and Shadwanka. The variant spoken by the Kel Eghlal is called taməsəɣlalt. The Tamasheq equivalent šin-sart / šin-sar / tin-sar is used in some older literature. Popular understanding among some Ait-Awari derives the name tet-serret, and its Tamasheq equivalent šin-sart, from expressions meaning 'the (language) of Sirte'.
There are a number of languages in Morocco. De jure, the two official languages are Standard Arabic and Standard Moroccan Berber. Moroccan Arabic is by far the primary spoken vernacular and lingua franca, whereas Berber languages serve as vernaculars for significant portions of the country. The languages of prestige in Morocco are Arabic in its Classical and Modern Standard Forms and sometimes French, the latter of which serves as a second language for approximately 33% of Moroccans. According to a 2000–2002 survey done by Moha Ennaji, author of Multilingualism, Cultural Identity, and Education in Morocco, "there is a general agreement that Standard Arabic, Moroccan Arabic, and Berber are the national languages." Ennaji also concluded "This survey confirms the idea that multilingualism in Morocco is a vivid sociolinguistic phenomenon, which is favored by many people."
Zayanes are a Berber population inhabiting the Khenifra region, located in the central Middle Atlas mountains of Morocco.
South Oran Berber, or Tachelhit, is a cluster of the Zenati languages, which belong to the Berber branch of the Afroasiatic family. It is spoken in a number of oases of southwestern Algeria and across the border in Morocco.
Matmata Berber is a Zenati Berber dialect spoken around the town of Matmâta in southern Tunisia, and in the villages of Taoujjout, Tamezret and Zrawa. According to Ben Mamou's lexicon, its speakers call it Tmaziɣṯ or Eddwi nna, meaning "our speech", while it is called Shelha or Jbali (جبالي) in local Tunisian Arabic dialects. The total population speaking this variety was estimated at 3,726 in 1975.
Ait Seghrouchen Berber, or Seghroucheni (Seghrusheni), is a Zenati Berber language of the Eastern Middle Atlas Berber cluster. It is spoken by the Ait Seghrouchen tribe inhabiting east-central Morocco.
Of the languages of Tunisia, Arabic is the sole official language according to the Tunisian Constitution.
Abdellah Bounfour is a Moroccan linguist and philologist specialized in Berber languages, literature and culture. He is an Emeritus University Professor at Institut national des langues et civilisations orientales (INALCO) in Paris.
Jewelleryof the Berber cultures is a historical style of traditional jewellery that was worn by women mainly in rural areas of the Maghreb region in North Africa and inhabited by indigenous Berber people. Following long social and cultural traditions, Berber or other silversmiths in Morocco, Algeria and neighbouring countries created intricate jewellery with distinct regional variations. In many towns and cities, there were Jewish silversmiths, who produced both jewellery in specific Berber styles as well as in other styles, adapting to changing techniques and artistic innovations.
↑ Manzano 1999, La fin du berbère à Djerba...71-74.
↑ André Basset, "Les parlers berbères" 1950, 220-226. See bibliography.
1 2 Thomas Penchoen, "La langue berbère en Tunisie et la scolarisation des enfants berbérophones", 1968, 173-186.
↑ Manzano, "La fin du berbère à Djerba", 1999, p. 58 (footnote 31).
↑ Manzano, "La fin du berbère à Djerba", 1999, p. 58.
↑ Ahmed Boukouss, "Le berbère en Tunisie", dans Langue et société au Maghreb: bilan et perspectives, Rabat, Publications de la faculté des lettres de Rabat, 1989, 143-150.
1 2 Vermondo Brugnatelli, "Il berbero di Jerba: secondo rapporto preliminare", Incontri Linguistici, no 23, 2001, p. 169-182 ( ISSN0390-2412).
↑ Brugnatelli, Vermondo (2010). Essai de dictionnaire jerbi-français (parler de Guellala).
↑ Arthur Pellegrin, Essai sur les noms de lieux d'Algérie et de Tunisie: étymologie, signification, Tunis, SAPI, 1949, 244 p.
↑ Émile Laoust, Contribution à une étude de la toponymie du Haut-Atlas, I-Adrär n Deren: d'après les cartes de Jean Dresch, Paris, Paul Geuthner, 1942, 179 p.
↑ Ali Drine, «Le sanctuaire de Tala (Île de Jerba)», Reppal, no 12, 2002, p. 29-37.
↑ Jenina Akkari Weriemmi, «Le paysage funéraire libyco-punique de l'île de Djerba: les caveaux de Mellita», Reppal, no 13, 2004, p. 5-33.
↑ Sami Ben Tahar, «Henchir Tawrirt (Jerba): un site libyque aux origines», Antiquités africaines, no 52, 2016, p. 9-52.
↑ Yamen Sghaïer, «Une tombe punique à Mellita (Îles Kerkennah - Tunisie)», Antiquités africaines, no 55, 2019, p. 53-69.
↑ Pellegrin 1949,104. "Berberization" of the Arabic masǧid. Through the language contacts within al-Andalus, this etymon is also at the source of both Catalan mesquita and Castilian mezquita.
↑ Ibn Khaldoun (trad. William Mac Guckin de Slane), Histoire des Berbères et des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale, t. III, Alger, Imprimerie du gouvernement, 1856, p. 63. So, the text gives us information relating to the 14th century situation. This religious characterization has endured until now.
↑ Akkari Weriemmi, 2004, p. 18, footnotes 5 and 6.
↑ The toponym has been documented since the 12th century [ɣabat tawrirt], and again in the 19th century, by French travelers. This toponymic type also appears on the Henchir Tawrirt site, studied in particular by Sami Ben Tahar (2016), this time in the south-east, between Guellala and Aghir.
↑ The first case is to be compared with the Berber agelman for "lake, expanse of water". The second directly includes the Berber amghar [amɣar] for "old man, elder".
↑ Many global estimates put the proportion of Tunisian Berber speakers at less than 1%, perhaps more, taking into account cryptic assumptions and concealment. On the island of Djerba (163,000 inhabitants, 2014), Berber speakers would be 10 to 20,000 in the best estimates, half of them around Guellala. Anyway, that is to say less than 5% of the island population. See for example https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/12344/TS.
↑ See notably "Endangered languages" and the "UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger".
Basset, André (1950). "Les parlers berbères". Initiation à la Tunisie. Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve. pp.220–226. (information from 1932 to 1938).
Basset, René (April–June 1883). "Notes de lexicographie berbère, 1re série. - II. Dialecte de Djerbah". Journal Asiatique: 304–314.
Ben Jaafar, Evelyne (1985). Les noms de lieux de Tunisie: racines vivantes de l'identité nationale. Tunis: Centre d'études et de recherches économiques et sociales.
Boukous(s), Ahmed (1989). "Le berbère en Tunisie". Langue et société au Maghreb: bilan et perspectives. Rabat: Publications de la faculté des lettres de Rabat. pp.143–150.
Vermondo Brugnatelli, «Arabe et berbère à Jerba», dans Abderrahim Youssi, Fouzia Benjelloun, Mohamed Dahbi et Zakia Iraqui-Sinaceur, Aspects of the Dialects of Arabic Today. Proceedings of the 4th Conference of the International Arabic Dialectology Association (AIDA). Marrakesh, Apr. 1-4.2000. In Honour of Professor David Cohen, Rabat, Amapatril, 2002, pp.169–178.
Vermondo Brugnatelli, «Il berbero di Jerba: rapporto preliminare», Incontri Linguistici, no 21, 1998, pp.115–128 ( ISSN0390-2412).
Vermondo Brugnatelli, «Il berbero di Jerba: secondo rapporto preliminare», Incontri Linguistici, no 23, 2001, pp.169–182 ( ISSN0390-2412)
Vermondo Brugnatelli, «Notes d'onomastique jerbienne et mozabite», in Kamal Naït-Zerrad, Rainer Vossen (en) et Dymitr Ibriszimow, Nouvelles études berbères. Le verbe et autres articles. Actes du 2. Bayreuth-Frankfurter Kolloquium zur Berberologie 2002, Cologne, Köppe Verlag, 2004, pp.29–39.
Adolphe de Calassanti Motylinski, «Chanson berbère de Djerba», Bulletin de correspondance africaine, t. III, 1885, pp.461–464.
Adolphe de Calassanti Motylinski, «Dialogue et textes en berbère de Djerba», Journal asiatique,1897, pp.377–401.
Fathi Ben Maamar, Tanfust n elmiraz: Muqaddimāt li-dirāsat al-amāzīghiyyah al-tūnusiyyah al-mu`āṣirah [The Tale of Elmiraz: Introductions to the study of contemporary Tunisian Berber], Tunis, Maktabat Tunis, 2013, 240pp.
Ridwan Collins, «Un microcosme berbère, système verbal et satellites dans trois parlers tunisiens», IBLA, no 148, 1981, pp.287–303 ( ISSN0018-862X).
Ridwan Collins, «Un microcosme berbère, système verbal et satellites dans trois parlers tunisiens», IBLA, no 149,1982, pp.21–37 ( ISSN0018-862X).
Ibn Khaldoun (trad. William Mac Guckin de Slane), Histoire des Berbères et des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale, Alger, Imprimerie du gouvernement, 1847-1851 (réimpr. 1852-1856).
Émile Laoust, Contribution à une étude de la toponymie du Haut-Atlas, I-Adrär n Deren: d'après les cartes de Jean Dresch, Paris, Paul Geuthner, 1942, 179 p.
Jacques Leclerc, L'aménagement linguistique dans le monde. Site WEB (Université Laval, Québec).
Francis Manzano, «Sur les mécanismes du paysage sociolinguistique et identitaire d'Afrique du Nord», Langage et société, 1996, pp.5–43 ( ISSN0181-4095).
Francis Manzano, «La fin du berbère à Jerba: repères sociolinguistiques et implications sur le système tripolaire de Tunisie», Cahiers de sociolinguistique, no 4 Langues du Maghreb et du Sud méditerranéen, 1999, pp.47–74 ISBN2-86847-412-8.
Francis Manzano, «Sur l'implantation du français au Maghreb: systémique et fractures identitaires au tournant des 19e et 20e siècles», Le français en Afrique, no 22, 2007 ( ISSN1157-1454).
Francis Manzano, «Le français en Tunisie, enracinement, forces et fragilités systémiques: rappels historiques, sociolinguistiques, et brefs éléments de prospective». The International Journal of the Sociology of Language, numéro spécial Tunisie, Lotfi Sayahi (Albany) dir. 2011, pp.1–23.
Francis Manzano, Maghreb: une francophonie sur la brèche, une interface en Méditerranée, Lyon, Publications du Centre d'études linguistiques, 2011, 306 p. ISBN978-2-36442-015-1.
Arthur Pellegrin, Essai sur les noms de lieux d'Algérie et de Tunisie: étymologie, signification, Tunis, SAPI, 1949, 244 p.
Thomas Penchoen, «La langue berbère en Tunisie et la scolarisation des enfants berbérophones», Revue tunisienne de sciences sociales, vol. 5, no 13, 1968, pp.173–186 ( ISSN0035-4333).
Yamen Sghaïer, «Une tombe punique à Mellita (Îles Kerkennah - Tunisie)», Antiquités africaines, no 55, 2019, pp.53–69 ( ISSN0066-4871).
René Stablo, Les Djerbiens: une communauté arabo-berbère dans une île de l'Afrique française, Tunis, SAPI, 1941, 165 p.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
