Matrilocal residence

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In social anthropology, matrilocal residence or matrilocality (also uxorilocal residence or uxorilocality) is the societal system in which a married couple resides with or near the wife's parents.

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Frequently,[ clarification needed ] visiting marriage is being practiced, meaning that husband and wife are living apart, in their separate birth families, and seeing each other in their spare time. The children of such marriages are raised by the mother's extended matrilineal clan. The father does not have to be involved in the upbringing of his own children; he does, however, in that of his sisters' children (his nieces and nephews). In direct consequence, property is inherited from generation to generation, and, overall, remains largely undivided.[ citation needed ]

Matrilocal residence is found most often in horticultural societies. [1]

Examples of matrilocal societies include the people of Ngazidja in the Comoros, the Ancestral Puebloans of Chaco Canyon, the Nair community in Kerala in South India, the Moso of Yunnan and Sichuan in southwestern China, the Siraya of Taiwan, and the Minangkabau of western Sumatra. Among indigenous people of the Amazon basin this residence pattern is often associated with the customary practice of brideservice, as seen among the Urarina of northeastern Peru. [2]

During the Song Dynasty in medieval China, matrilocal marriage became common for wealthy non-aristocratic families.[ citation needed ]

In other regions of the world, such as Japan, during the Heian period, a marriage of this type was not a sign of high status, but rather an indication of the patriarchal authority of the woman's family (her father or grandfather), who was sufficiently powerful to demand it. [3]

Another matrilocal society is the !Kung San of Southern Africa. They practice uxorilocality for the bride service period, which lasts until the couple has produced three children or they have been together for more than ten years. At the end of the bride service period, the couple has a choice of which clan they want to live with. [4] (Technically, uxorilocality differs from matrilocality; uxorilocality means the couple settles with the wife's family, while matrilocality means the couple settles with the wife's lineage. Because the !Kung do not live in lineages, they cannot be matrilocal; they are uxorilocal.)

Early theories explaining the determinants of postmarital residence (by, for example, Lewis Henry Morgan, Edward Tylor, and George Peter Murdock) connected it with the sexual division of labor. However, for many years cross-cultural tests of this hypothesis using worldwide samples failed to find any significant relationship between these two variables. On the other hand, Korotayev's tests have shown that the female contribution to subsistence does correlate significantly with matrilocal residence in general; however, this correlation is masked by a general polygyny factor. Although an increase in the female contribution to subsistence tends to lead to matrilocal residence, it also tends simultaneously to lead to general non-sororal polygyny which effectively destroys matrilocality. If this polygyny factor is controlled (e.g., through a multiple regression model), division of labor turns out to be a significant predictor of postmarital residence. Thus, Murdock's hypotheses regarding the relationships between the sexual division of labor and postmarital residence were basically correct, though, as has been shown by Korotayev, the actual relationships between those two groups of variables are more complicated than he expected. [5] [6]

Matrilocality in the Arikari culture in the 17th–18th centuries was studied anew within feminist archaeology by Christi Mitchell, in a critique of a previous study, [7] :89–94 the critique challenging whether men were virtually the sole agents of societal change while women were only passive. [7] :90–91

According to Barbara Epstein, anthropologists in the 20th century criticized feminist promatriarchal views and said that "the goddess worship or matrilocality that evidently existed in many paleolithic societies was not necessarily associated with matriarchy in the sense of women's power over men. Many societies can be found that exhibit those qualities along with female subordination. Furthermore, militarism, destruction of the natural environment, and hierarchical social structures can be found in societies in which goddess worship, matrilocality, or matriliny exist." [8] [lower-alpha 1] [lower-alpha 2] [lower-alpha 3]

In sociobiology, matrilocality refers to animal societies in which a pair bond is formed between animals born or hatched in different areas or different social groups, and the pair becomes resident in the female's home area or group.[ citation needed ]

In present-day mainland China, matrilocal residence has been encouraged by the government [9] in an attempt to counter the problem of unbalanced male-majority sex ratios caused by the abortion, infanticide and abandonment of girls. Because girls traditionally marry out in virilocal marriage (living with or near the husband's parents) they have been seen as "mouths from another family" or as a waste of resources to raise.[ citation needed ]

List of matrilocal societies

See also

Notes

  1. Paleolithic Age: prehistoric period marked by the development of the most primitive stone tools
  2. Militarism: a belief in a strong military and its aggressive use
  3. Matriliny: a system based on maternal descent

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Marriage</span> Culturally recognised union between people

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Polygyny</span> Mating system in which the male partner may have multiple partners

Polygyny is the most common and accepted form of polygamy around the world, entailing the marriage of a man with several women.

Polygamy is the practice of marrying multiple spouses. When a man is married to more than one wife at the same time, sociologists call this polygyny. When a woman is married to more than one husband at a time, it is called polyandry. In sociobiology and zoology, researchers use polygamy in a broad sense to mean any form of multiple mating.

Matrilineality is the tracing of kinship through the female line. It may also correlate with a social system in which each person is identified with their matriline, their mother's lineage, and which can involve the inheritance of property and titles. A matriline is a line of descent from a female ancestor to a descendant of either gender in which the individuals in all intervening generations are mothers. In a matrilineal descent system, an individual is considered to belong to the same descent group as their mother. This ancient matrilineal descent pattern is in contrast to the currently more popular pattern of patrilineal descent from which a family name is usually derived. The matriline of historical nobility was also called their enatic or uterine ancestry, corresponding to the patrilineal or "agnatic" ancestry.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mosuo</span> Chinese minority people

The Mosuo, often called the Naxi among themselves, are a small ethnic group living in China's Yunnan and Sichuan provinces. Consisting of a population of approximately 40,000, many of them live in the Yongning region, around Lugu Lake, in Labai, in Muli, and in Yanyuan.

George Peter ("Pete") Murdock, also known as G. P. Murdock, was an American anthropologist who was professor at Yale University and University of Pittsburgh. He is remembered for his empirical approach to ethnological studies and his study of family and kinship structures across differing cultures. His 1967 Ethnographic Atlas dataset on more than 1,200 pre-industrial societies is influential and frequently used in social science research. He is also known for his work as an FBI informant on his fellow anthropologists during McCarthyism.

In discussing consanguineal kinship in anthropology, a parallel cousin or ortho-cousin is a cousin from a parent's same-sex sibling, while a cross-cousin is from a parent's opposite-sex sibling. Thus, a parallel cousin is the child of the father's brother or of the mother's sister, while a cross-cousin is the child of the mother's brother or of the father's sister. Where there are unilineal descent groups in a society, one's parallel cousins on one or both sides will belong to one's own descent group, while cross-cousins will not.

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In social anthropology, patrilocal residence or patrilocality, also known as virilocal residence or virilocality, are terms referring to the social system in which a married couple resides with or near the husband's parents. The concept of location may extend to a larger area such as a village, town or clan territory. The practice has been found in around 70 percent of the world's modern human cultures that have been described ethnographically. Archaeological evidence for patrilocality has also been found among Neanderthal remains in Spain and for ancient hominids in Africa.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">William Divale</span>

William Tulio Divale was a professor of anthropology at York College, City University of New York in Jamaica, New York, USA. He died in 2020 at the age of 78.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Urarina</span> Peruvian indigenous people

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Bride service has traditionally been portrayed in the anthropological literature as the service rendered by the bridegroom to a bride's family as a bride price or part of one. Bride service and bride wealth models frame anthropological discussions of kinship in many regions of the world.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Andrey Korotayev</span> Russian anthropologist, economic historian, comparative political scientist, and sociologist

Andrey Vitalievich Korotayev is a Russian anthropologist, economic historian, comparative political scientist, demographer and sociologist, with major contributions to world-systems theory, cross-cultural studies, Near Eastern history, Big History, and mathematical modelling of social and economic macrodynamics.

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Douglas R. White was an American complexity researcher, social anthropologist, sociologist, and social network researcher at the University of California, Irvine.

Neolocal residence is a type of post-marital residence in which a newly married couple resides separately from both the husband's natal household and the wife's natal household. Neolocal residence forms the basis of most developed nations, especially in the West, and is also found among some nomadic communities.

Ambilocal residence, also called bilocal residence (bilocality) is the societal postmarital residence in which couples, upon marriage, choose to live with or near either spouse's parents. This is contrasted with matrilocality and patrilocality, where the newlyweds are expected to live with either the wife's parents or the husband's parents respectively.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Matriarchal religion</span> Religion that focuses on a goddess or goddesses

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Monogamy is a dyadic relationship in which two members of a group form an exclusive intimate partnership. Having only one partner at any one time, whether that be for life or whether that be serial monogamy, contrasts with various forms of non-monogamy. More generally, the term is used to describe the behavioral ecology and sexual selection of animal mating systems, referring to the state of having only one mate at any one given time. In a human cultural context, monogamy typically refers to the custom of two individuals, regardless of orientation, committing to a sexually exclusive relationship.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mosuo women</span> Ethnic group in China

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References

  1. Haviland, William A. (2003). Anthropology (10th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. ISBN   978-0534610203.
  2. Dean, Bartholomew (2013). Urarina society, cosmology, and history in peruvian amazonia. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. ISBN   9780813049519.
  3. Ramusack, Barbara N.; Sievers, Sharon L. (1999). Women in Asia: restoring women to history. Indiana University Press. ISBN   9780253212672.
  4. Stockard, Janice E. (2002). Marriage in Culture. Australia: Wadsworth.
  5. Korotayev, Andrey (2003). "Form of Marriage, Sexual Division of Labor, and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration". Journal of Anthropological Research. 59 (1): 69–89. doi:10.1086/jar.59.1.3631445. JSTOR   3631445. S2CID   147513567.
  6. Korotayev, Andrey (2003). "Division of Labor by Gender and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration". Cross-Cultural Research. 37 (4): 335–372. doi:10.1177/1069397103253685. S2CID   145694651.
  7. 1 2 Mitchell, Christi (May 1991). "10. Activating Women in Arikara Ceramic Production". In Claassen, Chery (ed.). Gender in Archaeology. Appalachian State University. Archived from the original on November 10, 2013. Retrieved September 29, 2013.
  8. Epstein, Barbara Leslie (1991). Political protest and cultural revolution: nonviolent direct action in the 1970s and 1980s . Berkeley: University of California Press. p.  173. ISBN   978-0520070103.
  9. Wolf, Margery (1985). Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China China . Stanford University Press. pp.  196–198. ISBN   978-0804713481.
  10. Jacobs, Margaret D. (1999). Engendered Encounters: Feminism and Pueblo Cultures, 1879–1934 . Women in the West. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p.  7. ISBN   978-0803225862. Also see p. 72

Bibliography