Sri Lanka Malay language

Last updated

Sri Lankan Malay
Native to Sri Lanka
RegionNationwide, especially in Hambantota District
Ethnicity Sri Lankan Malays, also spoken by some Sinhalese in Hambantota
Native speakers
46,000 (2006) [1]
Malay Creole
  • Sri Lankan Malay
Language codes
ISO 639-3 sci
Glottolog sril1245
ELP Sri Lanka Malay

Sri Lankan Malay (also known as Sri Lankan Creole Malay, Bahasa Melayu, Ja basawa and Java mozhi) is a creole language spoken in Sri Lanka, formed as a mixture of Sinhala and Shonam (Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil), with Malay being the major lexifier. [2] It is traditionally spoken by the Sri Lankan Malays and among some Sinhalese in Hambantota. [3] Today, the number of speakers of the language have dwindled considerably but it has continued to be spoken notably in the Hambantota District of Southern Sri Lanka, which has traditionally been home to many Sri Lankan Malays.

Contents

History

During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Dutch who had occupied Batavia of Java exiled native rebels and royalty to Sri Lanka, and they made their first settlements in Hambantota and Kirinde. Later on, the Dutch also garrisoned their military, composed of Malays, in other parts of Sri Lanka. As a result, some scholars even believe that SLM is closely associated with the Batavian dialect of Malay. [4] Others have proposed that Sri Lankan Malay originates from eastern Indonesia, based on similarities with Manado Malay and North Moluccan Malay (Ternate Malay). [5]

Today, Sri Lankan Malay (SLM), is spoken in the Central (Kandy), Southern (Hambantota and Kirinde) and Western (Slave Island) provinces of the country. The Malay population living in Kinniya and Mutur no longer speak Malay and have resorted to either Sri Lankan Tamil or Sri Lankan Moor Tamil (SLMT). [6] The majority of the speakers today reside in Northern Colombo. [2] The exact number of speakers is unknown and there are no linguistic statistics available on the number of speakers living in or outside of Sri Lanka. Based on the ethnic statistics of Sri Lankan Malays, the estimation of the number of Sri Lankan Malay speakers is probably between 30,000 and 40,000. [2]

Variation

As the language has been influenced by Sinhala, Tamil and English, SLM speakers constantly code-switch between SLM and either one or two of the other mentioned languages. [6] As a result, SLM within the three mentioned provinces, have taken a distinctive character of their own. Sebastian Nydorf has produced “A Grammar of Upcountry Malay” highlighting the said regional variations, however, his efforts have been criticised for having widening disparities within the language. [6] Due to these differences, there are contesting opinions among the SLM speakers themselves: while some speakers say that Malay in Kirinde and Hambantota is of higher status due to its closeness to archaic Malay, others claim that Malay of Slave Island is more vibrant in its evolution, especially in its use of slang which has even been adopted by the Moors. [4] A result of this variation within spoken SLM is a call for standardisation in the written variety, following Bahasa Kumpulan (standardised Malay in Malaysia and Indonesia). [6]

Malays who first arrived in Sri Lanka, keeping with their customs and practices, used the gundul alphabet for writing, which was the Arabic script with five additional letters. [6] This practice had survived until the mid-1940s, and had only been used among specific individuals (such as religious/communal figures) and served limited and exclusive purposes as a minority language within the country. For instance, Malay bills of marriage (kavin) were drawn in gundul. [4] Presently, however, both “Standard Malay” (SM) and SLM use the Romanised script for writing purposes. Some of the advocates of the Romanised script claim that using English following (their interpretation of) Standard British English must be the only way of writing Malay. For instance, using ‘ch’ instead of the letter ‘c’ for the /ch/ sound (failing to realise that ‘ch’ could also produce the /k/ sound). Other users and scholars of SLM claim that Sinhala, being a phonetical alphabet, would be better suited for writing Malay as it would better capture Malay pronunciation. [6] Much studies have not been done on the particular variety of SLM  but there are debates that SLM is endangered. “ Much work remains to be done on the various varieties of SLM”. [7] In Colombo community, parents encourage their children to speak in English therefore SLM is endangered in that community . Concerning the Cosmopolitan Colombo community, where the level of education is high, the community typically shows strong linguistic vitality in SLM in the oldest to middle generations and rapidly decreasing linguistic competence (to nil) in the vernacular in the young generation. [8] In sharp contrast is the speech community of Kirinda, with low education and employment levels who still have SLM as a dominant language. [8] The current thrust in the SLM community is that some segments of the community especially those in Kirinda, believe that SLM language must be encouraged, taught, and strengthened while others in the Colombo community believe that Malaysian or Indonesian Malay should be taught as means of revitalising SLM by converging it with a more standardised variety. The Kirinda community in Hambantota is one of the few communities that speak Sri Lankan Malay as their dominant language. Although children in the Kirinda community remain, monolingual speakers of Sri Lankan Malay, before they enter primary school, the speakers of Sri Lankan Malay today are insufficient to maintain the language in future generations. In some communities, Sri Lankan Malay is clearly endangered but there is a debate about whether it is endangered overall since some communities have robust first language speakers. [2] [9]

Trilingualism is achieved by the SLM community due to contact with the larger group of Tamil and the majority of Sinhalese speakers because Sinhala and Tamil were adstrates.  Therefore, the restructuring process that occurs in SLM has several grammatical categories that are absent from other Malay varieties, but are found in both Sinhala and Tamil. Considering that mixed languages typically show lexical items predominantly from one source, and grammatical material predominantly from another, the SLM lexicon is primarily of PMD origin while grammatical features are derived from Sinhala and Tamil. Therefore, the use of inflections is largely due to a process of typological congruence of Lankan adstrates. Dative and accusative are marked by suffixes attached to a noun (naƞ-DAT yaƞ-ACC). The verb-final order follows the Sinhala and Tamil typology. This is illustrated as follows: [10]

ni

This

aanak-naƞ

student-DAT

baek

good

buku-yaƞ

book-ACC

attu

one

aada

exist

ni aanak-naƞ baek buku-yaƞ attu aada

This student-DAT good book-ACC one exist

'This student has a good book.'

As in Tamil, accusative tends to mark definiteness in SLM.

Inni

This

kendera-yaƞ

chair-ACC

bapi

takes.go

Inni kendera-yaƞ bapi

This chair-ACC takes.go

'Take this chair away.'

A direct influence of Sinhala is seen in Ablative syncretism marker (to indicate source) -riƞ.

Market-riƞ

market-ABL

ais-tra

ice-NEG

baaru

new

ikkaƞ

fish

billi

buy

bawa

bring

Market-riƞ ais-tra baaru ikkaƞ billi bawa

market-ABL ice-NEG new fish buy bring

Get me some fresh fish from the market

The SLM possessive case suffix is -pe, derived form of Malaya punya “to possess” distinguishes a feature of contact Malay varieties such as Bazaar Malay and Baba Malay.

goppe

tumman

go-yaƞ

e-tolak

goppe tumman go-yaƞ e-tolak

My friend pushed me

As an archaic feature of Malay lingua franca, it is most likely that this feature was maintained from the original varieties of the SLM community and its adaptation led to the development of a new case that distinguishes SLM from its adstrates. [11]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Vedda</span> Indigenous people in Sri Lanka

The Vedda, or Wanniyalaeto, are a minority indigenous group of people in Sri Lanka who, among other sub-communities such as Coast Veddas, Anuradhapura Veddas and Bintenne Veddas, are accorded indigenous status. The Vedda minority in Sri Lanka may become completely assimilated. Most speak Sinhala instead of their indigenous languages, which are nearing extinction. It has been hypothesized that the Vedda were probably the earliest inhabitants of Sri Lanka and have lived on the island since before the arrival of other ethnic groups in India.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sinhala language</span> Indo-Aryan language native to Sri Lanka

Sinhala, sometimes called Sinhalese, is an Indo-Aryan language primarily spoken by the Sinhalese people of Sri Lanka, who make up the largest ethnic group on the island, numbering about 16 million. Sinhala is also spoken as the first language by other ethnic groups in Sri Lanka, totalling about 2 million speakers as of 2001. It is written using the Sinhala script, which is a Brahmic script closely related to the Grantha script of South India.

In addition to its classical and modern literary form, Malay had various regional dialects established after the rise of the Srivijaya empire in Sumatra, Indonesia. Also, Malay spread through interethnic contact and trade across the south East Asia Archipelago as far as the Philippines. That contact resulted in a lingua franca that was called Bazaar Malay or low Malay and in Malay Melayu Pasar. It is generally believed that Bazaar Malay was a pidgin, influenced by contact among Malay, Hokkien, Portuguese, and Dutch traders.

Burgher people, also known simply as Burghers, are a small Eurasian ethnic group in Sri Lanka descended from Portuguese, Dutch, British and other Europeans who settled in Ceylon. The Portuguese and Dutch had held some of the maritime provinces of the island for centuries before the advent of the British Empire. With the establishment of Ceylon as a crown colony at the end of the 18th century, most of those who retained close ties with the Netherlands departed. However, a significant community of Burghers remained and largely adopted the English language. During British rule, they occupied a highly important place in Sri Lankan social and economic life.

Sri Lanka Indo-Portuguese, Ceylonese Portuguese Creole or Sri Lankan Portuguese Creole (SLPC) is a language spoken in Sri Lanka. While the predominant languages of the island are Sinhala and Tamil, the interaction of the Portuguese and the Sri Lankans led to the evolution of a new language, Sri Lanka Portuguese Creole (SLPC), which flourished as a lingua franca on the island for over 350 years (16th to mid-19th centuries). SLPC continues to be spoken by an unknown number of Sri Lankans, estimated to be extremely small.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hambantota</span> Town in Southern Province, Sri Lanka

Hambantota is the main town in Hambantota District, Southern Province, Sri Lanka.

Sri Lankan English (SLE) is the English language as it is used in Sri Lanka, a term dating from 1972. Sri Lankan English is principally categorised as the Standard Variety and the Nonstandard Variety, which is called as "Not Pot English". The classification of SLE as a separate dialect of English is controversial. English in Sri Lanka is spoken by approximately 23.8% of the population, and widely used for official and commercial purposes. Sri Lankan English being the native language of approximately 5,400 people thus challenges Braj Kachru's placement of it in the Outer Circle. Furthermore, it is taught as a compulsory second language in local schools from grade one to thirteen, and Sri Lankans pay special attention on learning English both as children and adults. It is considered even today that access and exposure to English from one's childhood in Sri Lanka is to be born with a silver spoon in one's mouth.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Karu Jayasuriya</span> Sri Lankan politician

Sri Lankabhimanya Karu Jayasuriya is a Sri Lankan politician. He was the Speaker of the Parliament of Sri Lanka. Previously he was Mayor of Colombo from 1997 to 1999, Minister of Power and Energy from 2001 to 2004, Minister of Public Administration and Home Affairs from 2007 to 2008, and Minister of Buddha Sasana, Public Administration, and Democratic Governance in 2015. He has served as Chairman of the Leadership Council of the United National Party (UNP), as well as Deputy Leader of the UNP. He is a member of parliament representing the Gampaha District since 2001. He had served as Sri Lanka's Ambassador to (Germany). As Speaker of Parliament, he also acts as Chairman of the Constitutional Council.

The Sri Lankan Kaffirs are an ethnic group in Sri Lanka who are partially descended from 16th-century Portuguese traders and Bantu slaves who were brought by them to work as labourers and soldiers to fight against the Sinhala kings. They are very similar to the Zanj-descended populations in Iraq and Kuwait, and are known in Pakistan as Sheedis and in India as Siddis. The Kaffirs spoke a distinctive creole based on Portuguese, and the "Sri Lankan Kaffir language". Their cultural heritage includes the dance styles Kaffringna and Manja and their popular form of dance music Baila.

Hugh L. Nevill was a British civil servant, best known for his scholarship and studies of the culture of Sri Lanka.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hambantota District</span> District in Southern Province, Sri Lanka

Hambantota District is a district in Southern Province, Sri Lanka. It is one of 25 districts of Sri Lanka, the second level administrative division of the country. The district is administered by a District Secretariat headed by a District Secretary appointed by the central government of Sri Lanka.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Slave Island</span> Suburb in Western Province, Sri Lanka

Kompagngna Veediya also known as Kampong Kertel and Kompanna Veediya, formerly known as Slave Island, is a suburb in Colombo, Sri Lanka, located directly south of the Fort. The suburb contains Beira Lake, a large lake and its esplanade is visited by many for recreation. Company Roads is mostly a commercial area with hotels, shopping centres, street food stalls, and is known for its multicultural, especially Malay heritage.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sri Lankan Tamil dialects</span> Group of dialects of Tamil

The Sri Lankan Tamil dialects or Ceylon Tamil or commonly in Tamil language Eelam Tamil are a group of Tamil dialects used in Sri Lanka by its native Tamil speakers that is distinct from the dialects of Tamil spoken in Tamil Nadu. It is broadly categorized into three sub groups: Jaffna Tamil, Batticaloa Tamil, and Negombo Tamil dialects. But there are a number of sub dialects within these broad regional dialects as well. These dialects are also used by ethnic groups other than Tamils and Muslims such as Sinhalese people, Portuguese Burghers and the indigenous Coastal Vedda people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sri Lankan Moors</span> Muslim ethnic minority in Sri Lanka

Sri Lankan Moors are an ethnic minority group in Sri Lanka, comprising 9.3% of the country's total population. Most of them are native speakers of the Tamil language. The majority of Moors who are not native to the North and East also speak Sinhalese as a second language. They are predominantly followers of Islam. The Sri Lankan Muslim community is mostly divided between Sri Lankan Moors, Indian Moors, Sri Lankan Malays and Sri Lankan Bohras. These groups are differentiated by lineage, language, history, culture and traditions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Languages of Sri Lanka</span>

The main languages spoken in Sri Lanka are Tamil and Sinhala. Several languages are spoken in Sri Lanka within the Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, and Austronesian families. Sri Lanka accords official status to Sinhala and Tamil, with English as a recognised language. The languages spoken on the island nation are deeply influenced by the various languages in India, Europe and Southeast Asia. Arab settlers and the colonial powers of Portugal, the Netherlands and Britain have also influenced the development of modern languages in Sri Lanka. See below for the most-spoken languages of Sri Lanka.

Vedda is an endangered language that is used by the indigenous Vedda people of Sri Lanka. Additionally, communities such as Coast Veddas and Anuradhapura Veddas who do not strictly identify as Veddas also use words from the Vedda language in part for communication during hunting and/or for religious chants, throughout the island.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Sri Lankan Malays</span> Asian ethnic group

Sri Lankan Malays are Sri Lankan citizens with full or partial ancestry from the Indonesian Archipelago, Malaysia, or Singapore. In addition, people from Brunei and the Philippines also consider themselves Malays.

The Dutch Burghers are an ethnic group in Sri Lanka, of mixed Dutch, Portuguese Burgher and Sri Lankan descent. However, they are a different community when compared with Portuguese Burghers. Originally an entirely Protestant community, many Burghers today remain Christian but belong to a variety of denominations. The Dutch Burghers of Sri Lanka speak English and the local languages Sinhala and Tamil.

<i>Alamat Langkapuri</i> Malay-language newspaper in Ceylon, 1869–1870, 1877-1878

Alamat Langkapuri was a Malay-language fortnightly publication in Jawi script, issued from Colombo, Ceylon. Alamat Lankapuri was first published in June 1869. It was the first Jawi script Malay-language newspaper printed worldwide. The newspaper was printed by lithograph.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Dosi (food)</span> Sri Lankan confectionery

Dosi is a traditional Sri Lankan confectionery, similar in nature to fruit preserves or candied fruit. The dish is prepared by boiling segmented fruit in sugar and allowing it to cool in order for the sugar to crystallise on both the surface and the inside of the fruit. Dosi are traditionally served as a snack, during the day or after a meal. It is a dish that is commonly served by Sri Lankan Malays as a part of traditional Eid al-Fitr celebrations, marking the end of Ramadan. It is also popular during weddings, religious festivals and other social functions and celebrations. Variations include the addition of cardamom and/or cinnamon and/or rose essence.

References

  1. ↑ Sri Lankan Malay at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
  2. 1 2 3 4 "APiCS Online - Survey chapter: Sri Lankan Malay". apics-online.info. Retrieved 6 October 2018.
  3. ↑ de Silva Jayasuriya, Shihan (2002). "Sri Lankan Malay: A Unique Creole" (PDF). NUSA: Linguistic Studies of Languages in and Around Indonesia. 50: 43–57.
  4. 1 2 3 Mahroof, M. M. M. (1992). "Malay Language in Sri Lanka: Socio-mechanics of a Minority Language in Its Historical Setting". Islamic Studies. 31 (4): 463–478. ISSN   0578-8072. JSTOR   20840097.
  5. ↑ Jack Prentice (2010), "Manado Malay: Product and agent of language change", in Tom Dutton, Darrell T. Tryon (ed.), Language Contact and Change in the Austronesian World, Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs [TiLSM] 77, Berlin–Boston: Walter de Gruyter, pp. 411–442, ISBN   978-3-11-088309-1, OCLC   853258768 , retrieved 19 September 2022
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Saldin, B. D. K. (27 May 2011). "Converting Sri Lankan Malay into a written language". The Island.
  7. ↑ Ansaldo, Umberto (2008). Harrison, K. David; Rood, David S.; Dwyer, Arienne (eds.). Sri Lanka Malay revisited: Genesis and classification. Typological Studies in Language 78. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. pp. 13–42. ISBN   978-90-272-2990-8.
  8. 1 2 Lim, Lisa; Ansaldo, Umberto (2006). "Keeping Kirinda vital: The endangerment-empowerment dilemma in the documentation of Sri Lanka Malay". Language and Communication Working Papers. 1: 51–66.
  9. ↑ Rassool, Romola (2015). Download citation of Examining responses to perceived 'endangerment' of the Sri Lanka Malay language and (re)-negotiating Sri Lanka Malay identity in a postcolonial context. Third Bremen Conference on Language and Literature in Colonial and Postcolonial Contexts, At Bremen, Germany.
  10. ↑ Citation error. See inline comment on how to fix it. [ verification needed ]
  11. ↑ Ansaldo, Umberto (2011). "Sri Lanka Malay and its Lankan adstrates". Typological Studies in Language. 95: 367–382. doi:10.1075/tsl.95.21ans. ISBN   978-90-272-0676-3.

Further reading

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.