This article documents a current election. Information may change rapidly as the election progresses until official results have been published. Initial news reports may be unreliable, and the last updates to this article may not reflect the most current information. |
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All 400 seats in the National Assembly 201 seats needed for a majority | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Opinion polls | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Registered | 27,672,264 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Turnout | 58.52% ( 7.53pp) | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Reporting | 51.01% | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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This article is part of a series on the |
Politics of South Africa |
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South Africaportal |
General elections were held in South Africa on 29 May 2024 to elect a new National Assembly as well as the provincial legislature in each of the nine provinces. [1] [2] This was the seventh general election held under the conditions of universal adult suffrage since the end of the apartheid era in 1994. The new National Council of Provinces (NCOP) will be elected at the first sitting of each provincial legislature.
Since the inaugural post-apartheid election in 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) has continuously achieved a majority in both chambers of the South African Parliament: the National Assembly (lower house) and the National Council of Provinces (upper house).
The date of the elections was set by the incumbent president, Cyril Ramaphosa, and was required to be within 90 days of the end of the term of the current Parliament. [3] It was announced on 20 February 2024 that the election would be held on 29 May 2024. [4] On 30 May, South African news station eNCA projected that the ruling ANC would lose its majority in the national parliament for the first time in South Africa's democratic history, while also still remaining the largest party, after getting 45% of the vote. [5]
In the 2021 South African municipal elections, the African National Congress received less than 50% of the vote for the first time nationwide in any election since the end of apartheid. [6] The party also lost support in the key metros of Tshwane (Pretoria), Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni, and eThekwini (Durban). The ANC retained control of eThekwini while the Democratic Alliance managed to take control of Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni through a majority coalition and a minority coalition respectively, in addition to forming a majority coalition government in Tshwane, which it had governed since 2016. [7]
In early 2023, the ANC and Economic Freedom Fighters formed a coalition in Johannesburg and Ekurhuleni where the two parties hold MMC positions whilst electing a mayor from a minority party. [8] In April 2023, noting the prospects of an ANC/EFF national coalition, the DA leader John Steenhuisen called for "like-minded" parties to join together to prevent a "doomsday coalition". [9]
According to various opinion polls, support for the ANC has declined leading to expectations of a hung parliament. [10]
On 17 August 2023, the pre-election agreement called the Multi-Party Charter was signed between the Democratic Alliance (DA), Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), Freedom Front Plus (FF Plus), ActionSA and 3 other parties with the aim of presenting a united front against the three-decade rule of the African National Congress (ANC) party and the recent rise of the controversial Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK Party) and Patriotic Alliance (PA). [11] [12] [13] On 7 October 2023, the African Christian Democratic Party (ACDP) announced it would be joining the charter increasing the charter's seat count from 108 to 112 in the 400 seat National Assembly. [14]
The Spectrum National Party, Ekhethu People's Party and Unemployed National Party [15] were the three constituent parties of the Multi-Party Charter that failed to meet the Independent Electoral Commission's minimum number of signatures required to contest seats in the National Assembly. [16]
On 16 December 2023, former president Jacob Zuma announced his departure from the ANC, accusing the party and incumbent president Cyril Ramaphosa of serving as a "proxy for white monopoly capital." He was also noted as calling the ANC "sellouts" and "Apartheid collaborators" He also announced establishment of his own political party, uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK), named after the apartheid-era military wing of the ANC. [17] The latter filed a lawsuit against the MK's registration in the Electoral Commission of South Africa, which was dismissed by the Electoral Court of South Africa on 26 March 2024 due to lack of merit. The ANC also plans to file a lawsuit against the party's naming after the historic MK. [18] According to opinion polling, MK could become the kingmakers after the elections. [19]
On 28 March 2024, the Electoral Commission barred Zuma from standing in the election, citing a previous criminal conviction. [20] MK appealed the ruling, [21] with Zuma's lawyers arguing that the conviction was of a civil nature, and the decision was overturned by the Electoral Court on 9 April, [22] permitting Zuma to stand. [23] On 12 April, the Electoral Commission announced that it would approach the Constitutional Court for clarity on section 47(1)(e) of the constitution, the provision used to uphold the initial objection against Zuma. [24] On 30 April, police launched an investigation into whether the MK had forged signatures in order to be able to register for the election. [25] On 20 May, Zuma was ruled ineligible to stand for the election by the Constitutional Court, citing his criminal conviction. [26] He was still allowed to campaign for MK [27] and his name was retained on the ballot as party leader. [28]
Voter turnout has been decreasing since the end of Apartheid, when 86% of eligible voters turned out. [29] For this election, 27 million people were eligible to vote. [30] Fifty-five percent of them were women, while voter registration was highest among those aged between 30 to 39 years old. [31]
South Africa has a parliamentary system of government. The president of South Africa is unusual among heads of state of countries with a parliamentary system in that the head of government, who holds executive powers, is titled president and also plays the ceremonial role of head of state.
In June 2020, the Constitutional Court ruled in New Nation Movement NPC v President of the Republic of South Africa that the Electoral Act was unconstitutional to the extent that it did not allow independents to contest national and provincial elections. [32] Since the first elections held under universal suffrage, 400 members elected were elected to the National Assembly by a system of proportional representation with a closed list approach. Two hundred members were elected from national party lists, while the other 200 were elected from provincial party lists in each of the nine provinces. The national list seats were awarded by subtracting seats won at the provincial level from each party's national allocation to generate a maximally proportional result. The Droop quota variant of the largest remainder method was used to allocate seats at both the national and provincial levels. [33] Provincial legislatures were also elected by a system of proportional representation with closed party lists.
In February 2021, home affairs minister Aaron Motsoaledi appointed a ministerial advisory committee led by Valli Moosa to recommend a new electoral system. [34] While the committee was divided, a slim majority of members favoured a hybrid mixed-member proportional system, with half of the seats elected in constituencies and the other half elected through party lists. [35]
The regional ballot is one of the three ballots used in South Africa's national elections, alongside the national ballot and provincial ballot. It is used to elect representatives to the National Assembly from each of the country's nine provinces. The regional ballot is proportional, meaning that seats are allocated to parties and independent candidates based on the number of votes received. [36]
National Assembly regional seats: [37]
Region | Seats |
---|---|
Eastern Cape | 25 |
Free State | 11 |
Gauteng | 48 |
KwaZulu-Natal | 41 |
Limpopo | 19 |
Mpumalanga | 15 |
North West | 13 |
Northern Cape | 5 |
Western Cape | 23 |
Total | 200 |
On 17 April 2023, president Cyril Ramaphosa signed the South African Electoral Amendment Bill into law allowing independent candidates to stand for election to the National Assembly and provincial legislatures while keeping proportional representation with closed lists. Two hundred members will be elected from national party lists, while the remaining 200 seats will be contested by political parties and independent candidates in each of the nine provinces. In provincial legislatures, the single-tier multimember proportional system will continue to apply, with political parties and independent candidates contesting for seats. Voters will receive three ballot papers as opposed to two in previous elections; the first ballot will be to elect the 200 members of the National Assembly only contested by political parties; the second ballot will be to elect the remaining 200 members of the National Assembly, which will be contested by political parties and independent candidates in each of the nine provinces; and the third ballot will be to elect members of the provincial legislatures with political parties and independent candidates as well. [38]
Following the election, the president of South Africa will be elected by the National Assembly. Although the president is required to be a member of the National Assembly at the time of election, a person who is elected as president must resign their seat in order to assume office. [39] The premiers of each province will also be elected by the respective provincial legislatures after the election. [33]
The National Council of Provinces (NCOP) comprises 90 members, ten of whom are elected by each of the provincial legislatures in proportion to the composition of the legislature. The NCOP members will be sworn in the day after the first sitting of the National Assembly. [33]
The election saw 70 political parties register, the highest number for a general election in South Africa. It is also the first general election to allow independent candidates to run for the National Assembly. [30]
On 26 March 2024, the Independent Electoral Commission published the preliminary candidate lists, listing the following fifty-two parties as having national candidates (as opposed to regional and provincial): [40] #Hope4SA, Abantu Batho Congress, Able Leadership, Action Alliance Development Party, ActionSA, Africa Africans Reclaim, African Christian Democratic Party, African Congress for Transformation, African Content Movement, African Heart Congress, African Independent Congress, African Movement Congress, African National Congress, African People's Convention, African People's Movement, African Transformation Movement, Al Jama-ah, All Citizens Party, Alliance of Citizens for Change, Allied Movement for Change (AM4C), Azanian People's Organisation, Build One South Africa with Mmusi Maimane, Citizans, Congress of the People, Conservatives in Action, Democratic Alliance, Democratic Liberal Congress, Economic Freedom Fighters, Economic Liberators Forum South Africa, Forum 4 Service Delivery, Free Democrats, GOOD, Independent South African National Civic Organisation, Inkatha Freedom Party, National Coloured Congress, National Freedom Party, Northern Cape Communities Movement, Organic Humanity Movement, Pan Africanist Congress of Azania, Patriotic Alliance, People's Movement for Change, Referendum Party, Rise Mzansi, Sizwe Ummah Nation, South African Rainbow Alliance, South African Royal Kingdoms Organization, uMkhonto weSizwe, United Africans Transformation, United Democratic Movement, United Independent Movement, Vryheidsfront Plus, and Xiluva.
On 10 April 2024, the Independent Electoral Commission published the final candidate lists, again listing fifty-two parties as having national compensatory candidates (as opposed to national regional and provincial). The Independent South African National Civic Organisation no longer appeared on the list, whereas the Africa Restoration Alliance was added. [41] Six independent candidates appeared on the national regional lists, namely Zackie Achmat, Louis Liebenberg, Anele Mda, Lovemore N'dou, Ntakadzeni Phathela, and Lehlohonolo Ramoba. [42]
On 15 May 2024, two weeks before the election, president Ramaphosa signed the National Health Insurance (NHI) Act into law, establishing a National Health Insurance state fund to provide more South Africans access to private healthcare. [43] The goal of the bill is to eventually phase out the use of private healthcare, replacing it with the NHI as the sole purchaser and provider of health insurance. The DA is staunchly opposed to the bill on the premise that it could lead to large tax increases and corruption by ANC "cadre deployment," and have promised to challenge it in court. [44] [45]
The bill has been controversial because it would limit the ability for people to take out private health insurance to cover medical costs. Additionally, the government has not released official statistics regarding how much the NHI program would cost, raising concerns it could exacerbate South Africa's ongoing troubles providing public services such as electricity and water. [44] [45]
South Africa has been facing many challenges including deteriorating infrastructure in crucial sectors like power and water, alongside persistently high levels of unemployment and crime. [46] The general public has pointed fingers at Illegal immigration, attributing the nation's woes to the presence of illegal migrants. [47] Meanwhile, other voices within the political sphere, such as ActionSA, IFP, ATM and PA, [48] call for tighter border controls in response to the perceived strain caused by undocumented migrants on public services and resources. [49] [50] [51]
The Judicial Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture, known colloquially as the Zondo Commission, completed its work and submitted its final report to the president in June 2022. [52] The Commission cost the South African taxpayer "almost R1 billion". [53] Investigator Paul Holden of Shadow World Investigations read into evidence that state capture cost the South African economy at least R49 billion. [54]
In their 2024 election manifesto, the African National Congress claims that, as per the Zondo Commission's recommendations, "laws, institutions and practices are being put in place to reduce the potential for corruption of any sort and on any scale". [55] The Democratic Alliance puts the blame for corruption and state capture squarely on the shoulders of the ANC, saying that it will "establish a genuinely independent anti-crime and anti-corruption unit by dissolving the Hawks and establishing a new Chapter 9 institution, an Anti-Corruption Commission, which will only be accountable to the Parliament of South Africa." [56] The Economic Freedom Fighters proposes to amend the Constitution to "make the National Prosecuting Authority a Chapter 9 institution accountable to Parliament". [57]
The ANC was also criticized for provisionally including four ministers (Zizi Kodwa, Malusi Gigaba, David Mahlobo, and Gwede Mantashe) who were implicated in a corruption investigation into the administration of former president Jacob Zuma on 11 March, pending the final results of an intraparty review. Fourteen other officials were either disqualified or not listed as candidates by the ANC over the same issue. [58]
The ANC's proposed amendment of section 25 of the constitution of South Africa failed in the Parliament of South Africa, by a vote of 204 MPs in favour, 145 MPs against and 0 abstentions. [59] The bill required a two-thirds majority. The constitutionality of the amendment was also questioned by civil society organisations. [60] [61] The ANC maintains that expropriation without compensation is necessary, as does the EFF. [62] The DA and Freedom Front Plus, ACDP and IFP remain opposed to the ANC's renewed attempt at expropriation through the Expropriation Amendment Bill. [63] [64]
Moves towards expropriation without compensation are largely framed as solutions to racial injustice. In fact, many members of pro-expropriation parties view the policy as fulfilling Nelson Mandela's promise to return 30% of South Africa's land to black people. [65] The issue of racial justice becomes particularly salient when looking at disparities in agricultural production and environmental harms, with the majority of land in South Africa being owned by white people. Reports from the South African government indicate that whites own 72% of total farms of agricultural holdings. [66] This means that black South Africans are generally only responsible for between 5 and 10% of the country's agricultural output. [67]
The different parties have radically different positions on this issue. The ANC sees the current policy as a continuation of Nelson Mandela's promise. The policy (returning 30% of the land to black South Africans) has obviously been unsuccessful thus far. Currently, the ANC hopes to accomplish the goal by 2030. [68] In their election manifesto, the ANC claims that they will "accelerate land reform and redistribution to reduce asset inequality and protect security of tenure, improve food security and agricultural production, promote rural and urban development and enable greater access to housing." [69] This type of rhetoric and argumentation appears repeatedly throughout the manifesto. To the ANC, it is clear that expropriation is a matter of multi-faceted racial justice. Similarly to the energy crisis, there is certainly an environmental aspect, as agricultural inequalities become particularly salient in the debate.
The EFF shares a similar stance to that of the ANC. In their manifesto, the EFF outlines seven pillars on which they are basing their policies. The first is explicitly in favor of expropriation, reading "expropriation of South Africa's land without compensation for equal redistribution in use." [70] This stance makes sense given the parties Marxist and black nationalist ideology. On the issue of expropriation, the EFF and ANC are mostly unified. In fact, the EFF has often led the charge on expropriation, becoming one of the cause's biggest supporters. Julius Malema, leader of the EFF, asserted that "when we say economic freedom, we mean Black people own productive farms." [71]
Oppositely, the DA does not support the policy of expropriation without compensation. The party sees attempts at expropriation as violating section 25 of the Constitution. Furthermore, when the ANC and other parties have attempted to amend the constitution to be more amenable to their proposals, the DA has stood in staunch opposition. The party has called attempts to pass expropriation legislation "ruinous," an "assault on our constitutional values," and "archaic." [72]
Rolling blackouts, or "loadshedding", caused by problems with the state utility Eskom have been occurring since 2007, however the prevalence of blackouts has increased substantially since 2020. [73] There is general dissatisfaction with the ANC's handling of the blackouts, as "a poll from last May found that 24% of voters who had previously backed the ANC planned to take their votes elsewhere if load shedding... is not resolved." That being said, the issue will likely continue to be salient well after the election, as any government, new or incumbent, will have limited tools to combat the issue. [74]
The parties have taken varying stances on the issue. The ANC has pledged to create 12.5 million new jobs, a large portion of which will be devoted to a clean energy transition and modernisation of the nation's electrical system. The ANC has also linked the blackouts and energy crisis to environmental justice and climate change, claiming that its energy transition platform is also part of a larger transition to a cleaner economy. [75] According to the ANC's election manifesto, the party pledges to "cultivate partnerships to expand domestic industries with significant potential to create sustainable jobs... such as energy." [69] Additionally, the party views a clean energy transition as essential in solving the energy crisis. Part of this transition is moving away from the coal-based electrical grid that is currently facing loadshedding. [76] That being said, the ANC has shown historical resistance to transitioning to new energy sources (ie. renewables). [77] Much of this has to do with concerns about the cost of the transition, as well as the ability for Eskom to carry out a transition effectively.
The DA largely blames the ANC for Africa's energy crisis, saying that the state uses an "outdated" model of control and regulation. The DA intends to reduce government control over the energy sector if it is able to form a government. Using the Western Cape as a case study, the DA says it has a successful platform for energy solutions. They argue that recent contracts to build new solar plants in the area are indicative of this. [78] Much of their energy platform has to do with deregulation and reducing taxes on private entities. [79]
Other smaller parties take a range of stances on the energy crisis. The EFF, for instance, takes a more Marxist and black nationalist approach to the issue. The party calls for the end of the privatization of Eskom. The EFF overtly links the issue to both racial and environmental justice. In line with their black nationalist perspectives, the party calls for the involvement of the private sector in new electricity generation (not the privatisation of Eskom), hoping to shift control to the "majority of black people." [70]
All this withstanding, the energy crisis has undoubtedly become a salient issue due to its wide-ranging impacts. The loadshedding affects both rural and urban areas. In rural areas, the blackouts have led to large issues in agricultural production. For instance, if a farm is reliant on electricity-powered irrigation pumps, then production capacity is greatly limited by blackouts. In urban areas, the blackouts necessitate the use of diesel generators, which increases air pollution. [80] Additionally, the rolling blackouts lead to the continued use of coal in electricity plants. When generation capacity is low, it creates "grounds to keep coal-fired units running with emissions above the license limits." [81] Back to the environmental impact on rural areas, loadshedding reduces the capacity of large agricultural enterprises. This increases sustenance farming practices without any significant reduction in agribusiness. This creates a potential for deforestation. [82] The parties are attempting to navigate a transition to cleaner sources of energy. South Africa's power grid is largely dependent on aging coal infrastructure, which is becoming increasingly ineffective and environmentally toxic. [83]
According to the South African Police Service Crime Statistics for Quarter 2 of the 2023-24 financial year, reported contact crimes (defined by SAPS as "crimes against the person") has increased by 3 391 (2.1%) compared to the previous year. [84] Recorded attempted murder illustrated the highest increase year-on-year, with 12.3%. [84] Total contact crimes reported for the quarter are 165,909. The murder rate correlates to 77 people murdered per day. 160 cases of assault with the intent to do grievous bodily harm are reported each day. [85] In context of the election, political violence is reportedly on the rise, especially in KwaZulu-Natal. [86]
Crime Statistics for Quarter 3 of the 2023-24 financial year show an increase of 3.8% compared to the previous year. [87] Attempted murder once again illustrated the highest increase year-on-year, with 13%. Total contact crimes reported for the quarter are 190,973. The murder rate correlates to 86 people per day and 88 attempts at murder. Assault with the attempt to do grievous bodily harm (Assault GBH) correlates to 595 incidents per day. [88]
Action Society notes that "if the current murder trend continues, at least 31 000 people will be killed in the next 12 months...the [South African Government] has lost control..." [88]
Over the last term of government, the devolution of policing power has become a key issue between the Western Cape Government and the Minister of Police, Bheki Cele. [89] The Western Cape Government argues that the Minister has the power to devolve policing, but the Minister denies having the power of devolution, saying that "the centralisation of the SAPS [is] in line with the Department [of Police's] constitutional mandate to prevent, combat and investigate crime..." [90] Section 205 of the Constitution of South Africa sets out policing policy in South Africa, noting that the police service "must be structured to function in national [and] provincial...spheres of government." [91] The Constitution gives provincial executives the power to monitor police conduct within their respective provinces, as well as the responsibility for policing functions in three cases; namely Chapter 11 of the Constitution, assigned to provincial government in terms of national legislation and allocated to it in national policing policy. [91]
The lack of adequate housing has been a major issue. [92] According to a report from Parliament, dated May 2022, the human settlements sector had a total of 3.4 million housing units built since 1994. The respective provinces and municipalities delivered a separate 1.3 million "serviced sites". [93] A parliamentary question to the Minister of Human Settlements revealed there were 2,456,773 households registered on the National Housing Needs Register as of February 2023. [94] In the City of Cape Town, there were 375,150 on the municipalities' Housing Needs Register. [95]
In answer to a Parliamentary question to the Minister of Human Settlements on 24 March 2024, she stated that her Department had built 245,587 houses in the five years between January 2019 and January 2024. [96]
The ANC has practised a policy of employing people who are loyal to the ANC to positions within institutions of government. The Zondo Commission has found that cadre deployment played a significant part in corruption and went as far as to say that it is "illegal and unconstitutional". [97]
On 12 February 2024, the Constitutional Court ruled that the ANC had five days to hand over their cadre deployment records to the Democratic Alliance dating back to 1 January 2013. [98] Documents released by the DA so far contain a sworn affidavit from Thapelo Masilela, a Strategic Support Manager in the Office of the ANC Deputy Secretary General's Office which states that a laptop containing information in relation to the Deployment Committee had "crashed and...data which was stored on that hard drive had been lost". [99] DA Federal Leader, John Steenhuisen responded in a press briefing on 23 February 2024 saying "the missing laptops, the missing minutes, President's Cyril Ramaphosa WhatsApp's from his own personal devices are simply incongruent with the way in which the modern world works", [100] showing that the party does not believe that the ANC has entirely complied with the order of the Constitutional Court.
Cyril Ramaphosa said that South Africa v. Israel at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) may lead to foreign interference in the general election. [101] [102]
South Africa's links to Russia and China, through military co-operation [103] and potential co-operation with Iran [104] has placed the country in danger of losing its preferential access to the U.S. market through the African Growth and Opportunity Act, with multiple members of the U.S. Congress raising concern with South Africa's alleged threats to U.S. interests, the most high-ranking member being Senator Jim Risch, the Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. [105] [104] In response, the Leader of the Opposition, John Steenhuisen led a delegation arguing that "the ANC is not South Africa" in an effort to lessen the risk of a possible removal from AGOA. [105] Later, the Western Cape Premier, Alan Winde and a Western Cape Government delegation also made a trip to the United States to detail the possible impact that a loss would have on the agricultural industry in the province. [106] The Leader of the Opposition in the Western Cape Provincial Parliament, Cameron Dugmore (ANC) accused the provincial government of wasting taxpayer's money, saying "this trip was about the DA’s desperation to secure support for the 2024 elections by creating a certain narrative about this matter". [107]
Various parties and organisations proposing Cape independence have existed since 2007 with proponents saying that the idea has been gaining more traction in recent years. [108] [109] [110] A poll conducted by Victory Research on behalf of the Cape Independence Advocacy Group in August 2023 found that 68% of registered voters in the Western Cape and 79% of self-identified DA voters in the Western Cape are in favour of holding a referendum on Cape independence. [111]
The Referendum Party was formed in November 2023 as a single-issue political party contesting in the 2024 general election to pressure the Western Cape Democratic Alliance government into holding a referendum on Western Cape independence as part of any potential coalition agreement. [112]
The Cape Independence Party, which had contested in 2009 and 2019, did not make it on to the national ballot or the Western Cape provincial ballot, while the Referendum Party made it on to all three. The Western Cape independence movement will be represented by both the Freedom Front Plus and Referendum Party during the 2024 general election. [113] [114]
Gauteng is the most populated province and is the de facto economic hub of South Africa. In 2019 the ANC had barely retained the province, getting 50.19% of the vote. The DA is hoping to win Gauteng with Solly Msimanga as their premier candidate. [115] Funzi Ngobeni is ActionSA's premier candidate, [116] while the ANC's candidate is current premier, Panyaza Lesufi.
KwaZulu-Natal is the second most populated province and is home to the busiest port in southern Africa. Recent polling has the new MK Party leading in the province, having grown substantially at the expense of ANC support. Christopher Pappas is the premier candidate for the DA, while Thami Ntuli is the IFP's candidate. [117] [118] The ANC's premier candidate is Sbongiseni Duma. As of the latest results, MK is leading the election in the province, overtaking the ANC.
As of April 2024, the Western Cape is the only province not to be controlled by the ANC. The DA, which has controlled the province since 2009, is looking to retain the province with Premier Alan Winde as their premier candidate. [119]
This section needs to be updated.(May 2024) |
In May 2024, the DA released a campaign video attacking the ANC and showing a South African flag on fire, saying that the same fate would befall the country should the ANC remain in power. The flag appears restored in the final seven seconds of the advert. DA leader John Steenhuisen described the video as "the most successful political advertisement in our democratic history," saying that it was seen by at least four million people online and heard by "millions more" in other media. President and ANC leader Cyril Ramaphosa called the ad "despicable" and "treasonous", while the public broadcaster SABC announced that it would not air the video, saying that it would only fuel "outrage", and called on the DA to amend the advert. [120] [121] Several analysts and organisations have noted that, although in "poor taste", the burning of the flag is protected under Section 16 of the Constitution as a freedom of expression. [122]
The Complaints and Compliance Committee of the Independent Communications Authority of South Africa ruled on 24 May that the SABC be directed to desist from not airing the advert and pay a R500,000 fine within seven days. [123]
President Cyril Ramaphosa announced on 13 May that he would sign the controversial National Health Insurance Bill into law on 15 May. [124] Civil society organisations, including the South African Medical Association, Business Unity South Africa, Business Leadership South Africa, Solidariteit, the SA Institute of Race Relations and the South African Health Professionals Collaboration have expressed dissatisfaction at this announcement, some hinting at possible legal challenges to the legislation following the president's assent. [125] [126] [127] [128] The DA announced that it had briefed its legal team to file court papers at the Constitutional Court on the matter. [129] ActionSA expressed its disappointment on the president's announcement, having previously urged the President not to sign the Bill. [130]
Former President Jacob Zuma founded the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK Party) in December 2023, intending to contest the election. [131] On 20 May 2024, the Constitutional Court of South Africa ruled that Zuma is ineligible to run in the parliamentary election due to his 2021 jail sentence. [132]
On 26 May, the Presidency announced that Cyril Ramaphosa would address the nation at 6pm. [133] In his address, broadcast by the SABC, he listed the achievements of his government in what was widely believed to be an electioneering stunt and abuse of government resources. [134]
Polling Organisation | Fieldwork Date | Sample Size | ANC | DA | MK | EFF | IFP | VF+ | ACDP | ActionSA | Others | Don't Know [lower-alpha 1] | Lead |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
AtlasIntel | 25–28 May 2024 | 2,308 | 38.5% | 20.3% | 14.7% | 12.0% | 2.5% | 3.2% | 0.8% | 2.6% | 5.4% | — | 18.2 |
Social Research Foundation | 27 May 2024 | 1,835 | 42.2% | 21.6% | 12.4% | 10.8% | 3.2% | — | — | — | 9.8% | — | 20.6 |
Social Research Foundation | 23 May 2024 | 1,835 | 42.2% | 24.4% | 13.2% | 9.3% | 2.8% | — | — | — | 8.1% | — | 17.8 |
AFROBAROMETER | 22 May 2024 | 1,800 | 36% | 18% | 13% | 11% | — | — | — | — | 22% | — | 18 |
Social Research Foundation | 13 May 2024 | 1,835 | 43.5% | 24.2% | 7.1% | 9.4% | 5.2% | — | — | — | 10.6% | — | 19.3 |
Social Research Foundation | 6 May 2024 | 1,835 | 43.1% | 24.8% | 11.8% | 7.8% | 3.8% | — | — | — | 8.7% | — | 18.3 |
ENCA/Markdata | May 2024 | TBA | 43.4% | 18.6% | 14.1% | 11.4% | 3.1% | 1.3% | 0.6 | 1.4% | 6.1% | — | 24.8 |
Social Research Foundation | 29 April 2024 | 1,835 | 44.0% | 25.0% | 9.3% | 9.4% | 4.2% | — | — | — | 8.1% | — | 19 |
Social Research Foundation | 22 April 2024 | 1,835 | 40.7% | 26.0% | 13.5% | 7.0% | 5.6% | — | — | — | 7.2% | — | 14.7 |
Social Research Foundation | 15 April 2024 | 1,835 | 36.5% | 31.2% | 11.3% | 7.1% | 2.4% | — | — | — | 11.5% | — | 5.3 |
IPSOS | 9 March – 15 April 2024 | 2,545 | 40.2% | 21.9% | 8.4% | 11.5% | 4.4% | 1.8% | — | 3.4% | 8.4% | — | 18.3 |
Social Research Foundation | April 2024 | 1,835 | 37% | 25% | 13% | 11% | 5% | 2% | 2% | 2% | 3% | — | 12 |
Brenthurst Foundation/SABI | 12–28 February 2024 | 1,506 | 39% | 27% | 13% | 10% | 2% | — | — | 2% | 5% | — | 12 |
ENCA/Markdata | 19 January – 14 February 2024 | 3,022 | 41.4% | 20% | 10.9% | 15.5% | 4.3% | 0.6% | 0.5% | 1.4% | 5.4% | — | 21.4 |
December 2023 | uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK Party) splits from the ANC. | ||||||||||||
IPSOS | 23 October – 1 December 2023 | 3,600 | 40.5% | 20.5% | — | 19.6% | 4.9% | 2.1% | 1% | 4.3% | 7.1 | — | 20 |
IRR | October 2023 | 604 | 46.5% | 26.1% | — | 11.6% | 9.4% | — | — | — | — | — | 20.4 |
Social Research Foundation | October 2023 | 1,412 | 45% | 31% | — | 9% | 6% | — | — | — | 9% | — | 14 |
7 October 2023 | The ACDP joins the Multi-Party Charter. The charter now holds 112 out of the 400-seat National Assembly. | ||||||||||||
Brenthurst Foundation/SABI | 11 September – 3 October 2023 | 1,500 | 41% | 23% | — | 17% | 7% | 2% | — | 3% | 4% | 3% | 18 |
17 July 2023 | The Multi-Party Charter is signed between the DA, IFP, VF+, ActionSA and 3 other parties holding 108 of 400 National Assembly seats. | ||||||||||||
IPSOS & Inclusive Society Institute [135] | 1 June – 20 July 2023 | 3,600 | 43% | 20% | — | 18% | 5% | 2% | 1% | 4% | 7% | — | 23 |
Social Research Foundation | March 2023 | 1,517 | 45.9% | 23.3% | — | 8.4% | 6.1% | 2.2% | 0.9% | 3.1% | 10.1% | — | 22.6 |
IPSOS & Inclusive Society Institute [136] | November 2022 – December 2022 | < 3,600 | 49.9% | 13.6% | — | 12.7% | 4.4% | — | — | 4.1% | 15.2% | — | 36.3 |
IPSOS | 26 October – 28 November 2022 | 3,513 | 45% | 16% | — | 13% | 4% | — | — | — | 22% | 29 | |
Brenthurst Foundation | 27 October – 10 November 2022 | 1,000 | 47.6% | 24% | — | 10.7% | — | — | — | 4% | 12.2% | — | 23.6 |
Rivonia Circle | September – October 2022 | 2,000 | 41% | 18% | — | 15% | — | — | — | 6% | 7% | 13% | 23 |
Social Research Foundation | July 2022 | 3,204 | 52% | 25% | — | 11% | — | — | — | 5% | 7% | 27 | |
50% | 25% | — | 12% | — | — | — | 6% | 7% | 25 | ||||
Inclusive Society Institute | 14 May – 3 July 2022 | 3,459 | 50.76% | 18.14% | — | 13.12% | 3.47% | 5.22% | 1.16% | 3.49% | 4.65% | — | 32.62 |
IPSOS | 42% | 11% | — | 9% | 2% | 2% | 1% | 3% | 4% | 26% | 31 | ||
2021 municipal elections | 1 November 2021 | N/A | 47.52% | 19.84% | — | 10.54% | 6.27% | 2.32% | 0.71% | 1.82% | 6.76% | — | 27.68 |
IPSOS | 1 November 2021 | N/A | 43.4% | 24.2% | — | 14.8% | 1.9% | 1.6% | 0.9% | 3.7% | 9.5% | 31% | 19.2 |
IPSOS | July – September 2020 | 3,758 | 50% | 16% | — | 13% | 2% | 1% | — | — | 2% | 16% | 34 |
IPSOS | 20 September – 8 November 2019 | 3,600 | 55% | 13% | — | 8% | 2% | 1% | 1% | — | 3% | 18% | 42 |
2019 general election | 8 May 2019 | — | 57.5% | 20.8% | — | 10.8% | 3.4% | 2.4% | 0.8% | — | 10.1% | — | 36.7 |
Early voting for overseas citizens was held in South African diplomatic missions on 17 and 18 May. [30] [137] Early voting for domestic voters was held on 27 May, covering 1.6 million people including essential workers and about 624,000 people unable to leave their homes. [138] On election day, polling in more than 23,000 precincts [139] opened at 07:00 and closed at 21:00. [140] Three thousand SANDF soldiers were deployed to ensure security during the election, while the Independent Electoral Commission said two people were arrested for interfering with voting operations. [141] Julius Malema voted in Limpopo after queuing for three hours. [142] Counting was delayed in several precincts due to last-minute queues of voters, [143] with the last ballots being cast at around 03:00 on 30 May as electoral law allows those still lining up to vote at regular closing time to participate. [144]
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(help)CS1 maint: url-status (link)These are the poll outcomes for all South Africans eligible to vote in an election. Daryl Swanepoel, the CEO of Inclusive Society Institute, now joins us virtually to chat about this.