New York accent

Last updated
A sign on the periphery of Brooklyn that reads "Fuhgeddaboudit" (a pronunciation spelling of "forget about it"), illustrating the "Brooklyn accent"'s non-rhoticity and t-voicing Fuhgeddaboudit.jpg
A sign on the periphery of Brooklyn that reads "Fuhgeddaboudit" (a pronunciation spelling of "forget about it"), illustrating the "Brooklyn accent"'s non-rhoticity and t-voicing
Audio-input-microphone.svg
Speech example
An example of a mostly non-rhotic male speaker with a background in the Bronx and the city of New Rochelle (Chuck Zito).
Problems playing this file? See media help.
Audio-input-microphone.svg
Speech example
An example of a mostly rhotic male speaker from Brooklyn (James S. Shapiro).
Problems playing this file? See media help.
Audio-input-microphone.svg
Speech example
An example of a mostly rhotic male speaker from Queens (Art Spiegelman).
Problems playing this file? See media help.

The sound system of New York City English is popularly known as a New York accent. The New York metropolitan accent is one of the most recognizable accents of the United States, largely due to its popular stereotypes and portrayal in radio, film, and television. [1] [2] Several other common names exist for the accent that associate it with more specific locations in the New York City area, such as " Bronx accent", " Brooklyn accent", " Queens accent", " Long Island accent", and " North Jersey accent"; however, no research has demonstrated significant linguistic differences between these locations. [3]

Contents

The following is an overview of the phonological structures and variations within the accent.

Vowels

Pure vowels (Monophthongs)
English diaphoneme New York City realizationExample words
/æ/[æ] listen ⓘ act, pal, trap
[ɛə~eə~ɪə] listen ⓘ bath, mad, pass
/ɑː/[ɑ~ɑ̈~ɒ(ə)] listen ⓘ blah, father
/ɒ/[ɑ~ɑ̈] listen ⓘ bother, lot, wasp
[ɔə~oə~ʊə]dog, loss, cloth
/ɔː/all, bought, taught, saw
/ɛ/[ɛ]dress, met, bread
/ə/[ə]about, syrup, arena
/ɪ/[ɪ~ɪ̈]hit, skim, tip
/iː/[i~ɪi] [4] [5] beam, chic, fleet
/ʌ/[ʌ̈]bus, flood
/ʊ/[ʊ]book, put, should
/uː/[u] or [ʊu~ɤʊ~ɤu] [5] food, glue, new
Diphthongs
/aɪ/[ɑɪ~ɒɪ~äɪ] listen ⓘ ride, shine, try
[äɪ] listen ⓘ bright, dice, pike
/aʊ/[a̟ʊ~æʊ] [6] now, ouch, scout
/eɪ/[eɪ~ɛɪ] listen ⓘ lake, paid, rein
/ɔɪ/[ɔɪ~oɪ] listen ⓘ boy, choice, moist
/oʊ/[ɔʊ~ʌʊ]goat, oh, show
Vowels followed by /r/
/ɑːr/[ɒə] listen ⓘ
(rhotic: [ɒɹ~ɑɹ]; older: [ɑ̈ə])		barn, car, park
/ɪər/[ɪə~iə] listen ⓘ (rhotic: [ɪɹ~iɹ])fear, peer, tier
/ɛər/[ɛə~eə] (rhotic: [ɛɹ~eɹ])bare, bear, there
/ɜːr/[ɝ] listen ⓘ (older: [əɪ])burn, first, herd
[ɝ] or [ʌ(ː)~ʌə] [7] [8] her, were, stir
/ər/[ə] (rhotic: [ɚ])doctor, martyr, pervade
/ɔːr/[ɔə~oɐ] (rhotic: [ɔɹ~oɹ])hoarse, horse, poor
score, tour, war
/ʊər/
/jʊər/[juə~juɐ] (rhotic: [juɹ]) [9] cure, Europe, pure

Consonants

While the following consonantal features are central to the common stereotype of a "New York City accent", they are not entirely ubiquitous in New York City. By contrast, the vocalic (vowel) variations in pronunciation as described above are far more typical of New York City–area speakers than the consonantal features listed below, which carry a much greater stigma than do the dialect's vocalic variations:

Audio-input-microphone.svg
Intrusive R in NYC examples
Examples of intrusive R in the speech of a male speaker from Brooklyn (Dr. Anthony Fauci).
Problems playing this file? See media help.

Variability

Social and geographic variation

Despite common references to a "Bronx accent", "Brooklyn accent", "Long Island accent", etc., which reflect a popular belief that different boroughs or neighborhoods of the New York metropolitan area have different accents, linguistic research fails to reveal any features that vary internally within the dialect due to specific geographic differences. [67] [3] Impressions that the dialect varies geographically are likely a byproduct of class or ethnic variation, and even some of these assumptions are losing credibility in light of accent convergences among the current younger generations of various ethnic backgrounds. [3] Speakers from Queens born in the 1990s and later are showing a cot–caught merger more than in other boroughs, though this too is likely class- or ethnic-based (or perhaps even part of a larger trend spanning the whole city) rather than location-based. [68] The increasing extent of the cot–caught merger among these Queens natives has also appeared to be correlated with their majority foreign parentage. [69] A lowering of New York City's traditionally raised caught vowel is similarly taking place among younger residents of Manhattan's Lower East Side. This is seen most intensely among Western European (and Jewish) New Yorkers, fairly intensely among Latino and Asian New Yorkers, but not among African American New Yorkers. Therefore, this reverses the trend that was documented among Western European Lower East Siders in the twentieth century. [70]

In New Jersey

Though geographic differences are not a primary factor in the internal variation of features within the dialect, the prevalence of the dialect's features as a whole does vary within the metropolitan area based on distance from the city proper, notably in northeastern New Jersey. East of the Passaic and Hackensack Rivers (closest to the city proper) and in Newark, the short-a split system is identical to that used in the city itself. West of the Hackensack but east of the Passaic, the New York City system's function word constraint is lost before nasal codas, and the open syllable constraint begins to vary in usage. West of both rivers (farthest from the city proper), a completely different short-a system is found. [71] Furthermore, New York City's closest New Jersey neighbors, like Newark and Jersey City, may be non-rhotic like the city itself. Outside of these cities, however, the New York metropolitan speech of New Jersey is nowadays fully rhotic, so the phrase "over there" might be pronounced "ovah deah" [ɔʊvəˈd̪ɛə] by a native of Newark but "over dare" [ɔʊvɚˈd̪ɛɚ] by a native of Elizabeth. [72]

Ethnic variation

The classic New York City dialect is centered on middle- and working-class European Americans, and this ethnic cluster now accounts for less than half of the city's population, within which there are degrees of ethnic variation. The variations of New York City English are a result of the waves of immigrants that have settled in the city, from the earliest settlement by the Dutch and English followed in the nineteenth century by the Irish and Western Europeans (typically of French, German, and Scandinavian descent) settling. Over time, these collective influences combined to give New York City its distinctive traditional accent; [65] William Labov argued that Irish New Yorkers, in particular, contributed the accent's most stigmatized features. [73]

The many Eastern European Jewish and Italian immigrants who came, for the most part, until the immigration acts of 1921 and 1924 restricted Southern and Eastern European immigration further influenced the city's speech. Ongoing sociolinguistic research suggests that some differentiation between these last groups' speech may exist. For example, Labov found that Jewish American New Yorkers were more likely than other groups to use the closest variants of /ɔ/ (meaning towards [ʊə]) and perhaps fully released final stops (for example, pronunciation of sent as [sɛnt] rather than the more General American [sɛnt̚] or [sɛnʔ]), while Italian American New Yorkers were more likely than other groups to use the closest variants of /æ/ (meaning towards [ɪə]). [74] Still, Labov argues that these differences are relatively minor, more of degree than kind. All noted Euro-American groups share the relevant features.

One area revealing robustly unique patterns is New York City English among Orthodox Jews, overlapping with Yeshiva English, which can also exist outside of the New York City metropolitan area. Such patterns include certain Yiddish grammatical contact features, such as topicalizations of direct objects (e.g., constructions such as Esther, she saw! or A dozen knishes, you bought!), and the general replacement of /ŋ/ with /ŋɡ/. [66] [61] There is also substantial use of Yiddish and particularly Hebrew words.

African American New Yorkers typically speak a New York variant of African-American Vernacular English (AAVE) that shares the New York accent's raised /ɔ/ vowel. [75] Many Latino New Yorkers speak a distinctly local ethnolect, New York Latino English, characterized by a varying mix of New York City English and AAVE features, along with some Spanish contact features. [75] [76] Euro-American New Yorkers alone, particularly Anglo-Americans, have been traditionally documented as using a phonetic split of /aɪ/ as follows: [äɪ] before voiceless consonants but [ɑːɪ] elsewhere. [77] Asian American New Yorkers are not shown by studies to have any phonetic features that are overwhelmingly distinct. [78]

Related Research Articles

American English, sometimes called United States English or U.S. English, is the set of varieties of the English language native to the United States. English is the most widely spoken language in the United States and in most circumstances is the de facto common language used in government, education and commerce. It is also the official language of most US states. Since the late 20th century, American English has become the most influential form of English worldwide.

North American English is the most generalized variety of the English language as spoken in the United States and Canada. Because of their related histories and cultures, plus the similarities between the pronunciations (accents), vocabulary, and grammar of American English and Canadian English, the two spoken varieties are often grouped together under a single category. Canadians are generally tolerant of both British and American spellings, with British spellings of certain words preferred in more formal settings and in Canadian print media; for some other words the American spelling prevails over the British.

General American English, known in linguistics simply as General American, is the umbrella accent of American English spoken by a majority of Americans, encompassing a continuum rather than a single unified accent. It is often perceived by Americans themselves as lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics, though Americans with high education, or from the North Midland, Western New England, and Western regions of the country are the most likely to be perceived as using General American speech. The precise definition and usefulness of the term continue to be debated, and the scholars who use it today admittedly do so as a convenient basis for comparison rather than for exactness. Other scholars prefer the term Standard American English.

Southern American English or Southern U.S. English is a regional dialect or collection of dialects of American English spoken throughout the Southern United States, though concentrated increasingly in more rural areas, and spoken primarily by White Southerners. In terms of accent, its most innovative forms include southern varieties of Appalachian English and certain varieties of Texan English. Popularly known in the United States as a Southern accent or simply Southern, Southern American English now comprises the largest American regional accent group by number of speakers. Formal, much more recent terms within American linguistics include Southern White Vernacular English and Rural White Southern English.

A Baltimore accent, also known as Baltimorese, commonly refers to an accent related to Philadelphia English that originates among blue-collar residents of Baltimore, Maryland, United States. It extends into the Baltimore metropolitan area and northeastern Maryland.

Eastern New England English, historically known as the Yankee dialect since at least the 19th century, is the traditional regional dialect of Maine, New Hampshire, and the eastern half of Massachusetts. Features of this variety once spanned an even larger dialect area of New England, for example, including the eastern halves of Vermont and Connecticut for those born as late as the early twentieth century. Studies vary as to whether the unique dialect of Rhode Island technically falls within the Eastern New England dialect region.

The English language as primarily spoken by Hispanic Americans on the East Coast of the United States demonstrates considerable influence from New York City English and African-American Vernacular English, with certain additional features borrowed from the Spanish language. Though not currently confirmed to be a single stabilized dialect, this variety has received some attention in the academic literature, being recently labelled New York Latino English, referring to its city of twentieth-century origin, or, more inclusively, East Coast Latino English. In the 1970s scholarship, the variety was more narrowly called (New York) Puerto Rican English or Nuyorican English. The variety originated with Puerto Ricans moving to New York City after World War I, though particularly in the subsequent generations born in the New York dialect region who were native speakers of both English and often Spanish. Today, it covers the English of many Hispanic and Latino Americans of diverse national heritages, not simply Puerto Ricans, in the New York metropolitan area and beyond along the northeastern coast of the United States.

In English, many vowel shifts affect only vowels followed by in rhotic dialects, or vowels that were historically followed by that has been elided in non-rhotic dialects. Most of them involve the merging of vowel distinctions and so fewer vowel phonemes occur before than in other positions of a word.

Philadelphia English or Delaware Valley English is a variety or dialect of American English native to Philadelphia and extending into Philadelphia's metropolitan area throughout the Delaware Valley, including southeastern Pennsylvania, counties of northern Delaware, the northern Eastern Shore of Maryland, and all of South Jersey. Other than Philadelphia and arguably Baltimore, the dialect is spoken in cities such as Wilmington, Atlantic City, Camden, Vineland, and Dover. Philadelphia English is one of the best-studied types of English, as Philadelphia's University of Pennsylvania is the home institution of pioneering sociolinguist William Labov. Philadelphia English shares certain features with New York City English and Midland American English, although it remains a distinct dialect of its own. Philadelphia and Baltimore accents together fall under what Labov describes as a single Mid-Atlantic regional dialect.

North American English regional phonology is the study of variations in the pronunciation of spoken North American English —what are commonly known simply as "regional accents". Though studies of regional dialects can be based on multiple characteristics, often including characteristics that are phonemic, phonetic, lexical (vocabulary-based), and syntactic (grammar-based), this article focuses only on the former two items. North American English includes American English, which has several highly developed and distinct regional varieties, along with the closely related Canadian English, which is more homogeneous geographically. American English and Canadian English have more in common with each other than with varieties of English outside North America.

New England English is, collectively, the various distinct dialects and varieties of American English originating in the New England area. Most of eastern and central New England once spoke the "Yankee dialect", some of whose accent features still remain in Eastern New England today, such as "R-dropping". Accordingly, one linguistic division of New England is into Eastern versus Western New England English, as defined in the 1939 Linguistic Atlas of New England and the 2006 Atlas of North American English (ANAE). The ANAE further argues for a division between Northern versus Southern New England English, especially on the basis of the cot–caught merger and fronting. The ANAE also categorizes the strongest differentiated New England accents into four combinations of the above dichotomies, simply defined as follows:

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Inland Northern American English</span> English as spoken in the US Great Lakes region

Inland Northern (American) English, also known in American linguistics as the Inland North or Great Lakes dialect, is an American English dialect spoken primarily by White Americans in a geographic band reaching from the major urban areas of Upstate New York westward along the Erie Canal and through much of the U.S. Great Lakes region. The most distinctive Inland Northern accents are spoken in Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse. The dialect can be heard as far west as eastern Iowa and even among certain demographics in the Twin Cities, Minnesota. Some of its features have also infiltrated a geographic corridor from Chicago southwest along historic Route 66 into St. Louis, Missouri; today, the corridor shows a mixture of both Inland North and Midland American accents. Linguists often characterize the western Great Lakes region's dialect separately as North-Central American English.

Older Southern American English is a diverse set of American English dialects of the Southern United States spoken most widely up until the American Civil War of the 1860s, before gradually transforming among its White speakers, first, by the turn of the 20th century, and, again, following the Great Depression, World War II, and, finally, the Civil Rights Movement. By the mid-20th century, among White Southerners, these local dialects had largely consolidated into, or been replaced by, a more regionally unified Southern American English. Meanwhile, among Black Southerners, these dialects transformed into a fairly stable African-American Vernacular English, now spoken nationwide among Black people. Certain features unique to older Southern U.S. English persist today, like non-rhoticity, though typically only among Black speakers or among very localized White speakers.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Midland American English</span> Variety of English spoken in the United States

Midland American English is a regional dialect or super-dialect of American English, geographically lying between the traditionally-defined Northern and Southern United States. The boundaries of Midland American English are not entirely clear, being revised and reduced by linguists due to definitional changes and several Midland sub-regions undergoing rapid and diverging pronunciation shifts since the early-middle 20th century onwards.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Northern American English</span> Class of historically related American English dialects

Northern American English or Northern U.S. English is a class of historically related American English dialects, spoken by predominantly white Americans, in much of the Great Lakes region and some of the Northeast region within the United States. The North as a super-dialect region is best documented by the 2006 Atlas of North American English (ANAE) in the greater metropolitan areas of Connecticut, Western Massachusetts, Western and Central New York, Northwestern New Jersey, Northeastern Pennsylvania, Northern Ohio, Northern Indiana, Northern Illinois, Northeastern Nebraska, and Eastern South Dakota, plus among certain demographics or areas within Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, Vermont, and New York's Hudson Valley. The ANAE describes that the North, at its core, consists of the Inland Northern dialect and Southwestern New England dialect.

Despite popular stereotypes in the media that there is a singular New Jersey accent, there are in fact several distinct accents native to the U.S. state of New Jersey, none being confined only to New Jersey. Therefore, the term New Jersey English is diverse in meaning and often misleading, and it may refer to any of the following dialects of American English or even to intermediate varieties that blend the features of these multiple dialects.

The distinction between rhoticity and non-rhoticity is one of the most prominent ways in which varieties of the English language are classified. In rhotic accents, the sound of the historical English rhotic consonant,, is preserved in all pronunciation contexts. In non-rhotic accents, speakers no longer pronounce in postvocalic environments: when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel. For example, in isolation, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the words hard and butter as /ˈhɑːrd/ and /ˈbʌtər/, but a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the sound and pronounces them as /ˈhɑːd/ and /ˈbʌtə/. When an r is at the end of a word but the next word begins with a vowel, as in the phrase "better apples," most non-rhotic speakers will preserve the in that position since it is followed by a vowel in this case.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Standard Canadian English</span> Variety of Canadian English

Standard Canadian English is the largely homogeneous variety of Canadian English that is spoken particularly across Ontario and Western Canada, as well as throughout Canada among urban middle-class speakers from English-speaking families, excluding the regional dialects of Atlantic Canadian English. Canadian English has a mostly uniform phonology and much less dialectal diversity than neighbouring American English. In particular, Standard Canadian English is defined by the cot–caught merger to and an accompanying chain shift of vowel sounds, which is called the Canadian Shift. A subset of the dialect geographically at its central core, excluding British Columbia to the west and everything east of Montréal, has been called Inland Canadian English. It is further defined by both of the phenomena that are known as Canadian raising : the production of and with back starting points in the mouth and the production of with a front starting point and very little glide that is almost in the Canadian Prairies.

Western New England English refers to the varieties of New England English native to Vermont, Connecticut, and the western half of Massachusetts; New York State's Hudson Valley also aligns to this classification. Sound patterns historically associated with Western New England English include the features of rhoticity, the horse–hoarse merger, and the father–bother merger, none of which are features traditionally shared in neighboring Eastern New England English. The status of the cot–caught merger in Western New England is inconsistent, being complete in the north of this dialect region (Vermont), but incomplete or absent in the south, with a "cot–caught approximation" in the middle area.

In the sociolinguistics of the English language, raising or short-a raising is a phenomenon by which the "short a" vowel, the TRAP/BATH vowel, is pronounced with a raising of the tongue. In most American and many Canadian English accents, raising is specifically tensing: a combination of greater raising, fronting, lengthening, and gliding that occurs only in certain words or environments. The most common context for tensing throughout North American English, regardless of dialect, is when this vowel appears before a nasal consonant.

References

  1. ↑ Welch, Richard F. (2009). King of the Bowery: Big Tim Sullivan, Tammany Hall, and New York City from the Gilded Age to the Progressive Era . SUNY Press. p. 196. ISBN   9781438431826
  2. ↑ Labov (1966) , p. 18
  3. 1 2 3 Becker, Kara, and Newlin-Lukowicz, Luiza. "The Myth of the New York City Borough Accent: Evidence from Perception". Vol. 24.2. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Department of Linguistics, 2018. ScholarlyCommons. Web. 10 Oct. 2020.
  4. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006) , p. 232
  5. 1 2 Heggarty, Paul; et al., eds. (2013). "Accents of English from Around the World: New York City (trad.)". University of Edinburgh. Archived from the original on March 5, 2023. Retrieved June 26, 2023.
  6. 1 2 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006) , p. 233
  7. 1 2 Labov (1966) , p. 29, 242–244, 316
  8. 1 2 Wells (1982) , pp. 508 ff.
  9. ↑ Newman, 2014, p. 52.
  10. ↑ Labov (1966)
  11. 1 2 Gordon (2004), p. 286
  12. ↑ Johnson, Daniel Ezra (2010). "Stability and Change Along a Dialect Boundary: The Low Vowels of Southeastern New England". American Dialect Society 95. p. 218
  13. ↑ Newman, Michael New York City English Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter
  14. 1 2 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 235–236
  15. ↑ Wells 1982: 514–515
  16. ↑ Johnson, Daniel Ezra (2010). "Stability and Change Along a Dialect Boundary: The Low Vowels of Southeastern New England". American Dialect Society 95. p. 84.
  17. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 182.
  18. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 173–174.
  19. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 173–174, 260–261.
  20. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 173–174, 238–239.
  21. 1 2 3 Duncan (2016), pp. 1–2.
  22. 1 2 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 173.
  23. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 238.
  24. 1 2 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 178, 180.
  25. 1 2 Boberg (2008), p. 145.
  26. ↑ Duncan (2016), pp. 1–2; Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 175–177.
  27. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 183.
  28. ↑ Baker, Mielke & Archangeli (2008).
  29. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 181–182.
  30. ↑ Boberg (2008), pp. 130, 136–137.
  31. 1 2 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 82, 123, 177, 179.
  32. ↑ Labov (2007), p. 359.
  33. ↑ Labov (2007), p. 373.
  34. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), pp. 145, 54, 56, 234
  35. 1 2 3 Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006), p. 234
  36. ↑ Gordon (2004), pp. 285, 287
  37. 1 2 Gordon (2004), pp. 285, 288
  38. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006:124)
  39. ↑ Becker, Kara (August 13, 2014). "The social motivations of reversal: Raised BOUGHT in New York City English". Language in Society. 43 (4): 395–420.
  40. ↑ Labov (1966), p. 215
  41. ↑ Newman, Michael (2014). "Chapter 3." New York City English. Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter. p. 51. "many New Yorkers who are heavy (r-0) users in words like contender, four, forth, hair, and her, are (r-1) users with NURSE."
  42. ↑ Labov (1966), p. 216
  43. ↑ Gordon (2004), pp. 286–287
  44. ↑ Wells (1982), pp. 508–510
  45. ↑ Newman, Michael (2014). "Chapter 3." New York City English. Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter. p. 51.
  46. 1 2 Wells (1982) , p. 508
  47. ↑ David Edwards (April 24, 2016). "Chuck Todd Says Bernie Knows It's Over: 'Did We Just Hear The Bernie Sanders Exit Interview?'". Crooks and Liars . Archived from the original on May 11, 2016. Retrieved May 14, 2016.
  48. ↑ Labov (1966)
  49. 1 2 Newman, Michael (2014). "Chapter 3." New York City English. Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter. pp. 47–51.
  50. 1 2 3 Gordon (2004) , p. 288
  51. ↑ Mather, Patrick-André (2011-12-22). "The Social Stratification of /r/ in New York City: Labov's Department Store Study Revisited". Journal of English Linguistics. 40 (4): 338–356. doi:10.1177/0075424211431265. S2CID   143934434.
  52. ↑ Wells (1982) , pp. 515–516
  53. ↑ Hubbell, 1950, pp. 26, 28, 136.
  54. ↑ Hubbell, 1950, p. 26.
  55. ↑ Harris, John; Kaye, Jonathan (September 1990). "A Tale of Two Cities: London Glottalling and New York City Tapping". The Linguistic Review. 7 (3): 267. doi:10.1515/tlir.1990.7.3.251. S2CID   170993449.
  56. ↑ Gordon (2004) , pp. 288–289
  57. ↑ Newman, Michael (2014). "Chapter 3." New York City English. Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter. p. 85.
  58. ↑ Newman, 2004, p. 85.
  59. ↑ Newman, Michael (2014). New York City English. Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG.
  60. 1 2 Hubbell, Allan Forbes (1950). The pronunciation of English in New York City: consonants and vowels. King's Crown Press.
  61. 1 2 3 4 Gordon (2004) , p. 289
  62. ↑ Labov (1966 :36–37)
  63. ↑ Newman, 2004, pp. 138-142.
  64. ↑ Hubbell, 1950, pp. 10–11.
  65. 1 2 Pangilinan, Noel. "challenge". nyc24.jrn.columbia.edu. Archived from the original on February 10, 2012. Retrieved November 26, 2013.
  66. 1 2 Newman, Michael (2014). "Chapter 3." New York City English. Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter. p. 86-87.
  67. ↑ Gordon (2004) , p. 284
  68. ↑ Newman, Michael (2014). "Chapter 2." New York City English. Berlin/NY: Mouton DeGruyter. p. 18.
  69. ↑ Johnson, Daniel Ezra (2010). "Stability and Change Along a Dialect Boundary: The Low Vowels of Southeastern New England". American Dialect Society 95. p. 218.
  70. ↑ Becker, Kara (2010). "Regional dialect features on the Lower East Side of New York City: Sociophonetics, ethnicity, and identity". ProQuest LLC: UMI Dissertation Publishing. New York University. pp. 147, 222.
  71. ↑ Labov (2007) , p. 356
  72. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006 :47, 227)
  73. ↑ Robert Siegel (March 12, 2005) [March 12, 1999]. "New Yawk Talk". NPR (Podcast). NPR. Event occurs at 4:54. Archived from the original on May 11, 2021. Retrieved June 19, 2023.
  74. ↑ Labov, William (1973) Sociolinguistic Patterns U. of Pennsylvania Press ISBN   0-8122-1052-2
  75. 1 2 Fought, Carmen Language and Ethnicity Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press 2006, p. 19. ISBN   978-0-5216-1291-3.
  76. ↑ Slomanson, Peter & Newman, Michael (2004), "Peer group identification and variation in New York Latino English laterals", English World-Wide, 25: (2) pp. 199–216.
  77. ↑ Newman, 2014, pp. 72-3.
  78. ↑ Newman, 2014, pp. 39, 85.

Bibliography

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.