State capacity

Last updated

State capacity is the ability of a government to accomplish policy goals, either generally or in reference to specific aims. [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] More narrowly, state capacity often refers to the ability of a state to collect taxes, enforce law and order, and provide public goods. [6]

Contents

A state that lacks capacity is defined as a fragile state or, in a more extreme case, a failed state. [7] [8] Higher state capacity has been strongly linked to long-term economic development, as state capacity can establish law and order, private property rights, and external defense, as well as support development by establishing a competitive market, transportation infrastructure, and mass education. [2] [9] State capacity can be measured by Government effectiveness index and government competitiveness and relates to political efficacy.

Categorisation

Based on a myriad of typologies proposed by authors and scholars in the social sciences field (including, but not limited to, Weber, Bourdieu and Mann), Centeno et al. [10] advance that it is possible to break down the concept of "state capacity" into four different types or categories as shown below:

1) Territorial: it is related to the traditional Weberian concept of monopoly over the means of violence and makes us think of the state as a disciplinary body. This type of state authority or capability is purportedly the simplest to exercise because all that is needed to impose the desired order is the acquisition and use of a sufficient amount of relative coercive force. This power is wielded in two different fronts: firstly, vis a vis other states defining sovereignty and secondly, against internal or domestic opposition.

2) Economic: it entails two distinct but frequently related processes. First, this is about the state guaranteeing the society's general prosperity by consolidating an economic space through the development of a national market alongside the physical and legal infrastructure necessary to support the integration of that domestic economy into a global system of exchange. The ability to direct and appropriate resources through the creation of a productive fiscal system is the second facet of the economic capacity.

3) Infrastructural: it refers to the ability to process information, create organisational structures, and maintain transportation and communication systems.

4) Symbolic: although of much more ambiguous nature than the other categories, it is defined as the monopoly over the judgment of truth claims. In other words, this category is linked to the state capacity to transform what are diffuse social rituals and practices of conformity to authority into an objectified and bureaucratic process.

Risk factor for violence

The risk of civil war increases when relational state capacity is low, meaning the state has less control over its subjects than outsiders, or challengers to its domain (the monopoly of violence). The political majority is more likely to instigate a genocide when threatened with state failure. States with strong social control can enforce their own policies and deter membership in alternate rebel organizations. In some parts of the world, like Africa, some ethnic groups may be more distant from the capital but have a high level of internal connectedness. This type of scenario may reduce central social control, presenting an elevated risk of civil conflict and armed violence in Africa. Many scholars have argued that the lack of social control in Africa is a risk factor for violence. [11]

Applications

There are multiple dimensions of state capacity, as well as varied indicators of state capacity. [12] [13] In studies that use state capacity as a causal variable, it has frequently been measured as the ability to tax, provide public goods, enforce property rights, achieve economic growth or hold a monopoly on the use of force within a territory. [14]

State capacity is distinct from political control, as the latter refers to the tactics that states use to gain compliance from society. [15]

The United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD) determined that basic state capacities are to

  1. Assist in the acquisition of new technologies
  2. Mobilize and channel resources to productive sectors
  3. Enforce standards and regulations
  4. Establish social pacts
  5. Fund deliver and regulate services and social programmes [16]

States must be able to create the

  1. Political Capacity to address the extent to which the necessary coalitions or political settlements can be built
  2. Resource Mobilization Capacity to generate resources for investment and social development
  3. Allocate Resources To Productive And Welfare-Enhancing Sectors [16]

State formation

State capacity may involve an expansion of the state's information-gathering abilities. In processes of state-building, states began implementing a regular and reliable census, the regular release of statistical yearbooks, and civil and population registers, as well as establishing a government agency tasked with processing statistical information. [17]

Mark Dincecco distinguishes between state capacity (the state's ability to accomplish its intended actions) and "effective statehood" (the political arrangements that enable the state to best accomplish its intended actions). [1] He argues that fiscal centralization and institutional impartiality are key to effective statehood. [1]

See also

Further reading

Related Research Articles

A one-party state, single-party state, one-party system or single-party system is a governance structure in which only a single political party controls the ruling system. All other parties are either outlawed or only enjoy limited and controlled participation in elections. Sometimes the term "de facto one-party state" is used to describe a dominant-party system that, unlike the one-party state, allows democratic multiparty elections, but the existing practices or balance of political power effectively prevent the opposition from winning power.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Institution</span> Structure or mechanism of social order

An institution is a humanly devised structure of rules and norms that shape and constrain social behavior. All definitions of institutions generally entail that there is a level of persistence and continuity. Laws, rules, social conventions and norms are all examples of institutions. Institutions vary in their level of formality and informality.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democratization</span> Society becoming more democratic

Democratization, or democratisation, is the structural government transition from an authoritarian government to a more democratic political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction.

Neo institutionalism is an approach to the study of institutions that focuses on the constraining and enabling effects of formal and informal rules on the behavior of individuals and groups. New institutionalism traditionally encompasses three major strands: sociological institutionalism, rational choice institutionalism, and historical institutionalism. New institutionalism originated in work by sociologist John Meyer published in 1977.

International political economy (IPE) is the study of how politics shapes the global economy and how the global economy shapes politics. A key focus in IPE is on the distributive consequences of global economic exchange. It has been described as the study of "the political battle between the winners and losers of global economic exchange."

In economics, a shock is an unexpected or unpredictable event that affects an economy, either positively or negatively. Technically, it is an unpredictable change in exogenous factors—that is, factors unexplained by an economic model—which may influence endogenous economic variables.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">American National Election Studies</span> Surveys of voters in USA

The American National Election Studies (ANES) are academically-run national surveys of voters in the United States, conducted before and after every presidential election. Although it was formally established by a National Science Foundation grant in 1977, the data are a continuation of studies going back to 1948. The study has been based at the University of Michigan since its origin and, since 2005, has been run in partnership with Stanford University. Its principal investigators for the first four years of the partnership were Arthur Lupia and Jon Krosnick. As of 2017, the principal investigators are Ted Brader and Vincent Hutchings of the University of Michigan and Shanto Iyengar of Stanford University.

The American Political Science Review (APSR) is a quarterly peer-reviewed academic journal covering all areas of political science. It is an official journal of the American Political Science Association and is published on their behalf by Cambridge University Press. APSR was established in 1906 and is the flagship journal in political science.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">State-building</span> Term in social sciences and humanities

State-building as a specific term in social sciences and humanities, refers to political and historical processes of creation, institutional consolidation, stabilization and sustainable development of states, from the earliest emergence of statehood up to the modern times. Within historical and political sciences, there are several theoretical approaches to complex questions related to the role of various contributing factors in state-building processes.

Civic nationalism, otherwise known as democratic nationalism, is a form of nationalism that adheres to traditional liberal values of freedom, tolerance, equality, and individual rights, and is not based on ethnocentrism. Civic nationalists often defend the value of national identity by saying that individuals need it as a partial shared aspect of their identity in order to lead meaningful, autonomous lives and that democratic polities need a national identity to function properly. Liberal nationalism is used in the same sense as 'civic nationalism', but liberal ethnic nationalism also exists, and "state nationalism" is a branch of civic nationalism, but it can also be illiberal.

Clientelism or client politics is the exchange of goods and services for political support, often involving an implicit or explicit quid-pro-quo. It is closely related to patronage politics and vote buying.

Nations and Nationalism is an influential 1983 book by the philosopher Ernest Gellner, in which the author expands on his theory of nationalism.

American political development is a subfield of political science that studies the historical development of politics in the United States. In American political science departments, it is considered a subfield within American politics and is closely linked to historical institutionalism.

In political science, economic voting is a theoretical perspective which argues that voter behavior is heavily influenced by the economic conditions in their country at the time of the election. According to the classical form of this perspective, voters tend to vote more in favor of the incumbent candidate and party when the economy is doing well than when it is doing poorly. This view has been supported by considerable empirical evidence. There is a substantial literature which shows that across the world's democracies, economic conditions shape electoral outcomes. Economic voting is less likely when it is harder for voters to attribute economic performance to specific parties and candidates.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Health politics</span> Interdisciplinary study and analysis of health politics

Health politics or politics of health is an interdisciplinary field of study concerned with the analysis of social and political power over the health status of individuals.

Generalized trust, also known as spontaneous sociability, is the trust that people have in their fellow members of society in general. It is often measured in survey-based social science research by asking the question, "Generally speaking, would you say that most people can be trusted or that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people?" This question has been included in the General Social Surveys in the United States, the World Values Survey, and the European Social Surveys. Unlike many other human behavioral traits, generalized trust has been found to exhibit a moderate to low heritability in behavior genetic studies, implying that culture is more important in the development of such trust than is genetics. The significant cross-national variation in levels of generalized trust also supports a significant role for cultural factors. It has been found to be associated with intelligence, happiness, and self-reported health.

Constructivism presumes that ethnic identities are shapeable and affected by politics. Through this framework, constructivist theories reassesses conventional political science dogmas. Research indicates that institutionalized cleavages and a multiparty system discourage ethnic outbidding and identification with tribal, localized groups. In addition, constructivism questions the widespread belief that ethnicity inherently inhibits national, macro-scale identification. To prove this point, constructivist findings suggest that modernization, language consolidation, and border-drawing, weakened the tendency to identify with micro-scale identity categories. One manifestation of ethnic politics gone awry, ethnic violence, is itself not seen as necessarily ethnic, since it attains its ethnic meaning as a conflict progresses.

Hendrik Spruyt is a Dutch-American political scientist. He is the Emeritus Norman Dwight Harris Professor of International Relations at Northwestern University. He is known for his research on state formation and sovereignty. Spruyt has advanced arguments for the emergence of the modern state that emphasize institutionalist aspects.

David Stasavage is an American political scientist known for his work on democracy and political economy. He is the Dean for the Social Sciences and the Julius Silver Professor at New York University's Department of Politics and an affiliated professor in NYU's School of Law. He was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2015.

Persistence studies is scholarship in the social sciences that links, usually through quantitative causal inference, historical events with later political, economic and social outcomes. It is particularly prevalent in economics, economic history, political science, and sociology. The scholarship emerged in the early 2000s. Early landmark studies include two studies by economists Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James Robinson in 2001 and 2002 that linked colonial institutions to variations in contemporary economic outcomes.

References

  1. 1 2 3 Dincecco, Mark (2017). State Capacity and Economic Development: Present and Past. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1, 15–24. ISBN   978-1-108-33755-7.
  2. 1 2 Dincecco, Mark; Wang, Yuhua (2023). "State Capacity". The Oxford Handbook of Historical Political Economy. doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197618608.013.13. SSRN   4022645.
  3. Akbar, Nafisa; Ostermann, Susan L. (2015). "Understanding, Defining, and Measuring State Capacity in India: Traditional, Modern, and Everything in Between An Asian Survey Special Issue on India". Asian Survey. 55 (5): 845–861. doi:10.1525/as.2015.55.5.845. ISSN   0004-4687. JSTOR   26364315.
  4. Brambor, Thomas; Goenaga, Agustín; Lindvall, Johannes; Teorell, Jan (2020). "The Lay of the Land: Information Capacity and the Modern State". Comparative Political Studies. 53 (2): 175–213. doi:10.1177/0010414019843432. ISSN   0010-4140. S2CID   133292367.
  5. Williams, Martin J. (2021). "Beyond state capacity: bureaucratic performance, policy implementation and reform". Journal of Institutional Economics. 17 (2): 339–357. doi:10.1017/S1744137420000478. ISSN   1744-1374.
  6. Suryanarayan, Pavithra (2024). "Endogenous State Capacity". Annual Review of Political Science. 27 (1). doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-061621-084709. ISSN   1094-2939.
  7. "State Capacity, Conflict, and Development" (PDF). Econometrica. 78 (1): 1–34. 2010. doi:10.3982/ECTA8073. S2CID   2887246.
  8. Hameiri, Shahar (2007). "Failed states or a failed paradigm? State capacity and the limits of institutionalism". Journal of International Relations and Development. 10 (2): 122–149. doi:10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800120. S2CID   143220503.
  9. Dincecco, Mark (2022-05-02). "State Capacity in Historical Political Economy: What, How, Why, and Why Not?". Broadstreet. Retrieved 2022-05-02.
  10. Centeno, Miguel A.; Ferraro, Agustin E. (2013-03-29). State and Nation Making in Latin America and Spain: Republics of the Possible. Cambridge University Press. ISBN   978-1-107-31130-5.
  11. Müller-Crepon C, Hunziker P, Cederman LE. Roads to Rule, Roads to Rebel: Relational State Capacity and Conflict in Africa. J Conflict Resolut. 2021 Feb;65(2-3):563-590. doi: 10.1177/0022002720963674. Epub 2020 Oct 6. PMID: 33487734; PMCID: PMC7797612.
  12. Chaudoin, Stephen; Gaines, Brian J.; Livny, Avital (2021). "Survey Design, Order Effects, and Causal Mediation Analysis". The Journal of Politics. 83 (4): 1851–1856. doi:10.1086/715166. ISSN   0022-3816. S2CID   235409424.
  13. Berwick, Elissa; Christia, Fotini (2018). "State Capacity Redux: Integrating Classical and Experimental Contributions to an Enduring Debate". Annual Review of Political Science. 21 (1): 71–91. doi: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-072215-012907 . ISSN   1094-2939.
  14. Suryanarayan, Pavithra (2021-04-12). "State capacity: a useful concept or meaningless pablum?". Broadstreet. Retrieved 2021-04-12.
  15. Hassan, Mai; Mattingly, Daniel; Nugent, Elizabeth R. (2022). "Political Control". Annual Review of Political Science. 25 (1): 155–174. doi: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-013321 . ISSN   1094-2939. S2CID   244783975.
  16. 1 2 UNRISD 2010. "Building State Capacity for Poverty Reduction." Chapter 10, pp. 3–36.
  17. Brambor, Thomas; Goenaga, Agustín; Lindvall, Johannes; Teorell, Jan (2020). "The Lay of the Land: Information Capacity and the Modern State". Comparative Political Studies. 53 (2): 175–213. doi:10.1177/0010414019843432. ISSN   0010-4140. S2CID   133292367.