On October 2, 1968 in the Tlatelolco section of Mexico City, the Mexican Armed Forces opened fire on a group of unarmed civilians in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas who were protesting the upcoming Olympics. The Mexican government and media claimed that the Armed Forces had been provoked by protesters shooting at them,[1] but government documents made public since 2000 suggest that snipers had been employed by the government.
The number of deaths resulting from the event is disputed. According to U.S. national security archives, American analyst Kate Doyle documented the deaths of 44 people;[2] however, estimates of the actual death toll range from 300 to 400, with eyewitnesses reporting hundreds dead.[3][4][5][6][7][8] Additionally, the head of the Federal Directorate of Security reported that 1,345 people were arrested.[9]
The year 1968 in Mexico City was a time of expansiveness and the breaking down of barriers: a time for forging alliances among students, workers, and the marginal urban poor and challenging the political regime. It was a time of great hope, seemingly on the verge of transformation. Students were out in the streets, in the plazas, on the buses, forming brigades, "going to the people." There were movement committees at each school and heady experiences of argument, exploration, and democratic practice. There was no central leader. Families were drawn in, whole apartment buildings and neighborhoods. A revolution was happening - not Che's revolution - but a revolution from within the system, nonviolent, driven by euphoria, conviction, and the excitement of experimentation on the ground.
Mexican President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz struggled to maintain public order during a time of rising social tensions but suppressed movements by labor unions and farmers fighting to improve their lot. His administration suppressed independent labor unions and farmers and heavy-handedly tried to direct the economy. In 1958, under the previous administration of Adolfo López Mateos (when Díaz Ordaz was Minister of the Interior), labor leader Demetrio Vallejo was arrested and peasant activist Rubén Jaramillo was murdered.[11]
Arising from reaction to the government's violent repression of a July 1968 fight between rival porros (gangs), the student movement in Mexico City quickly grew to include large segments of the university students who were dissatisfied with the regime of the PRI, most especially at the Autonomous National University of Mexico (UNAM) and the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) but also at other universities. After a fight by rival student groups in central Mexico City was broken up violently by a large contingent of police, university students formed a National Strike Council (CNH) to organize protests and present demands to the government. Large-scale protests grew in size over the summer as the opening of the Olympic Games in mid October grew nearer, and Minister of the Interior Luis Echeverría needed to keep public order. On October 2, 1968, a large peaceful march arrived at the Plaza of the Three Cultures for the usual speeches. However, the Díaz Ordaz government and troops marched into the plaza and gunmen in surrounding buildings opened fire on the unarmed civilians in what is now known as the Tlatelolco massacre.
Assault and massacre
Marcelino Perelló, a leader of student groups at a press conference. Mexico, October 6, 1968.
On October 2, 1968, around 10,000 university and high school students gathered in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas to protest the government's actions and listen peacefully to speeches.[12] Many men and women not associated with the CNH gathered in the plaza to watch and listen; they included neighbors from the Residential complex, bystanders and children. The students had congregated outside the Chihuahua Building, a three-moduled thirteen-story apartment complex in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. Among their chants were ¡No queremos olimpiadas, queremos revolución! ("We don't want Olympics, we want revolution!"). Rally organizers did not try to call off the protest when they noticed an increased military presence in the area.
Students' demonstration, Mexico City, August 27, 1968.
Two helicopters, one from the police and another from the army, flew over the plaza. Around 5:55 P.M. red flares were shot from the nearby S.R.E. (Mexican Ministry of Foreign Relations) tower. Around 6:15 P.M. another two flares were shot, this time from a helicopter (one was green and another one was red) as 5,000 soldiers, 200 tankettes[13] and trucks surrounded the plaza.[12] Much of what proceeded after the first shots were fired in the plaza remained ill-defined for decades after 1968. Records and information released by American and Mexican government sources since 2000 have enabled researchers to study the events and draw new conclusions.
The question of who fired first remained unresolved years after the massacre. The Mexican government said gunfire from the surrounding apartments prompted the army's attack. But the students said that the helicopters appeared to signal the army to fire into the crowd. Journalist Elena Poniatowska culled interviews from those present and described events in her book Massacre in Mexico: "Flares suddenly appeared in the sky overhead and everyone automatically looked up. The first shots were heard then. The crowd panicked [and] started running in all directions."[11] Despite CNH efforts to restore order, the crowd on the plaza quickly fell into chaos.
Shortly thereafter, the Olympia Battalion, a secret government branch made for the security of the Olympic Games composed of soldiers, police officers, and federal security agents,[13] were ordered to arrest the leaders of the CNH and advanced into the plaza. The Olympia Battalion members wore white gloves or white handkerchiefs tied to their left hands to distinguish themselves from the civilians and prevent the soldiers from shooting them.[11] Captain Ernesto Morales Soto stated that "immediately upon sighting a flare in the sky, the prearranged signal, we were to seal off the aforementioned two entrances and prevent anyone from entering or leaving."[11]
The ensuing assault into the plaza left dozens dead and many more wounded in its aftermath. The soldiers responded by firing into the nearby buildings and into the crowd, hitting not only the protesters, but also watchers and bystanders. Demonstrators and passersby alike, including students, journalists (one of which was Italian reporter Oriana Fallaci), and children, were hit by bullets, and mounds of bodies soon lay on the ground. Meanwhile, on the Chihuahua building, where the speakers stood, Olympia Battalion members pushed people and ordered them to lie on the ground near the elevator walls. People[who?] claim these men were the people who shot first at the soldiers and the crowd.[13]
Students in a burned bus.
Video evidence[citation needed] also points out that at least two companies of the Olympia Battalion hid themselves in the nearby apartment buildings and set up a machine gun in an apartment in the Molino del Rey Building, where a sister-in-law of then-Secretary of State Luis Echeverría lived. In addition, many snipers were positioned on the roof of the church of Santiago de Tlatelolco and many people involved, including the ones who fired the first two flares, were present at the nearby convent and the Foreign Relations Tower; there was a machine gun on the 19th floor and a video camera on the 17th floor. Video evidence[citation needed] shows 10 white-gloved men leaving the church and bumping into soldiers, who point their weapons at them. One of the men shows what appears to be an ID and they are let go.[13]
Mexican soldiers at the streets. July 30, 1968
The killing continued throughout the night, with soldiers and policemen operating on a house-to-house basis[according to whom?] in the apartment buildings adjacent to the square[citation needed]. The Chihuahua Building as well as the rest of the neighborhood had its electricity and phones cut off[citation needed]. Witnesses[who?] to the event claim that the bodies were first removed in ambulances and later military officials came and piled up bodies[citation needed], not knowing if they were dead or alive, into the military trucks[citation needed], while some say[who?] that the bodies were piled up on garbage trucks and sent to unknown destinations[citation needed]. The soldiers rounded up the students onto the Chihuahua Building's elevator walls, stripped them, and beat them[citation needed].
3,000 attendees[according to whom?] were taken to the convent next to the church and were left there until early in the morning, most of these being people that had little to nothing in common with the students[according to whom?] and were only neighbors, bystanders, passersby and others who were on the plaza just to listen to the speech[citation needed]. Other witnesses[who?] claim that in the later days, Olympia Battalion members would disguise themselves as utilities employees and inspect the houses in search of students[citation needed].
The official government explanation of the incident was that armed provocateurs among the demonstrators, stationed in buildings overlooking the crowd, had begun the firefight[citation needed]. Suddenly finding themselves sniper targets, the security forces had simply returned the shooting in self-defense[according to whom?].[citation needed] By the next morning, newspapers reported that 20 to 28 people had been killed, hundreds wounded, and hundreds more arrested.[11]
Most of the Mexican media[who?] reported that the students provoked the army's murderous response with sniper fire from the apartment buildings surrounding the plaza[citation needed]. El Día's morning headline on October 3, 1968, read: "Criminal Provocation at the Tlatelolco Meeting Causes Terrible Bloodshed." The government-controlled media reported the Mexican government's side of the events that night[according to whom?], but the truth eventually emerged: a 2001 investigation revealed documents showing that the snipers were members of the Presidential Guard, who were instructed to fire on the military forces in order to provoke them.[14]
Investigation and aftermath
In 1977, seven years after the end of his Presidency, Díaz Ordaz was appointed ambassador to Spain by then-President José López Portillo. His appointment revived the debate over his responsibility regarding the Tlatelolco massacre, to which Díaz Ordaz responded by firmly defending his handling of the incident; in an interview on 13 April 1977, shortly before leaving for Spain, a journalist told the former president that his appointment as ambassador "touched a sore spot", to which an upset Díaz Ordaz replied:
"I'm very proud of having been President of the Republic and having thus served Mexico, but what I'm most proud of, from those six years, is the year 1968, because it allowed me to serve and save the country, whether you all like it or not, with something other than hours of bureaucratic work [...], fortunately, we got through, and if it hadn't been for that, you wouldn't have the chance, little boy, of being here asking questions."[15][16]
Bullet hole in the temple wall of Santiago Tlaltelolco.
In 1998, President Ernesto Zedillo, on the 30th anniversary of the Tlatelolco massacre, authorized a congressional investigation into the events of October 2. However, the PRI government continued its recalcitrance[according to whom?] and did not release official government documents pertaining to the incident. In a 2002 All Things Considered radio interview with Kate Doyle, director of the Mexican Documentation Project for the US National Security Archive, she described the PRI government's investigations: "I mean, there have been a number of investigations throughout the years. In fact, former President Miguel de la Madrid was interviewed yesterday in the press, and said that he had asked the military and the interior secretary for documents and for photographs of the demonstrations, and was subjected to tremendous political pressure not to investigate. And when he continued to press, the military and the interior ministry claimed that their files were in disarray and they had nothing."[17]
Enduring questions remained after "La Noche Triste" (the Sad Night) that have taken the Mexican government over 30 years to answer. Eventually in 2001, President Vicente Fox, the president who ended the 70-year reign of the PRI, attempted to resolve the question of who had orchestrated the massacre. President Fox ordered the release of previously classified documents concerning the 1968 massacre.[18] The documents revealed that Elena Poniatowska's synthesis of the events that October night was accurate, as Kate Doyle uncovered,
Thousands of students gathered in the square and, as you say, the government version is that the students opened fire. Well, there's been pretty clear evidence now that there was a unit that was called the Brigada Olímpica, or the Olympic Brigade, that was made up of special forces of the presidential guard, who opened fire from the buildings that surrounded the square, and that that was the thing that provoked the massacre.[17]
President Fox also appointed Ignacio Carrillo Prieto in 2002 to prosecute those responsible for ordering the massacre.[19] In 2006, former President Luis Echeverría was arrested on charges of genocide. However, in March 2009, after a convoluted appeal process, the genocide charges against Echeverria were dismissed. The Mexican newspaper The News reported that "a tribunal of three circuit court judges ruled that there was not enough proof to link Echeverria to the violent suppression of hundreds of protesting students on Oct. 2, 1968."[20] Despite the ruling, prosecutor Carrillo Prieto said he would continue his investigation and seek charges against Echeverria before the United Nations International Court of Justice and the Inter-American Human Rights Commission.[20]
US government records
The old foreign ministry building sits where the event took place.
That in response to Mexican government concerns over the security of the Olympic Games, the Pentagon sent military radios, weapons, ammunition and riot control training material to Mexico before and during the crisis.
That the CIA station in Mexico City produced almost daily reports concerning developments within the university community and the Mexican government from July to October. Six days before the massacre at Tlatelolco, both Echeverría and head of Federal Security (DFS) Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios told the CIA that "the situation will be under complete control very shortly".
That the Díaz Ordaz government "arranged" to have student leader Sócrates Campos Lemus accuse dissident PRI politicians such as Carlos Madrazo of funding and orchestrating the student movement.
Demonstration marking the Tlatelolco massacre, October 2, 2014
In 1993, in remembrance of the 25th anniversary of the events, a stele was dedicated with the names of a few of the students and persons who lost their lives during the event. The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation has a mural commemorating the massacre.
During June 2006, days before the controversial presidential election of 2006, 84-year-old Echeverría was charged with genocide in connection with the massacre. He was placed under house arrest pending trial. In early July of that year (after the presidential elections), he was cleared of genocide charges, as the judge found that Echeverría could not be put on trial because the statute of limitations had expired.
In December 2008 the Mexican Senate named October 2 starting in 2009 as a National Day of Mourning; the initiative had already passed the Deputies' Chamber of Congress.[22]
Alejandro Encinas, undersecretary of Human Rights, Population, and Migration, said on October 2, 2020 that the federal government would remove the names of "repressors" involved in the 1968 student movement and El Halconazo of 1971 from public places. He specifically proposed that the Licenciado Gustavo Díaz Ordaz International Airport in Puerto Vallarta should be renamed. He also promised that 8,000 boxes of archives, including those in possession of the military, would be digitalized and made public.[23]
40th anniversary march
On October 2, 2008, two marches were held in Mexico City to commemorate the event. One traveled from Escuela Normal Superior de Maestros (Teacher's College) to the Zocalo. The other went from the Instituto Politécnico Nacional to the massacre site of the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. According to the "Comité del 68" (68 Committee), one of the organizers of the event, 40,000 marchers were in attendance.[24]
Head of march from the teachers' college to the Zocalo
Part of the march to the Zocalo
Sign states "No estuve ahí pero no olvido" (I wasn't there but I do not forget)
Protesters drawing chalk outlines of human bodies and doves with fake blood on Eje Central
Media portrayals
Elena Poniatowska's best known work is La noche de Tlatelolco (The night of Tlatelolco, the English translation was entitled "Massacre in Mexico").
In 1969, Mexican rock band Pop Music Team, launched the single "Tlatelolco" but was heavily censored by the government after a few days of airplay.
The 'Cinéma vérité documentary film El Grito, México 1968 directed by Leobardo López Aretche captures the events surrounding the protest and massacre.
Rojo Amanecer (1989), directed by Jorge Fons, is a Spanish-language film about the event. It focuses on the day of a middle-class family living in one of the apartment buildings surrounding the Plaza de Tlatelolco and is based on testimonials from witnesses and victims. It starred Héctor Bonilla, María Rojo, the Bichir Brothers, Eduardo Palomo and others.
Alejandro Jodorowsky dramatized the massacre in The Holy Mountain (1973), with birds, fruits, vegetables, liquids and other things falling and being ripped out of the wounds of the dying students.
Richard Dindo, a documentary filmmaker, made Ni olvido, ni perdón (2004),[25] which includes contemporary interviews with witnesses and participants as well as footage from the time.
A feature film, Tlatelolco, verano del '68,[26] was released in Mexico, November 2012, written and directed by Carlos Bolado.
Roberto Bolaño released Amulet, a Spanish-language novel, in 1999, recounting the massacre from the point of view of a woman named Auxilio, based on the true story of Alcira Soust Scaffo. Auxilio was caught in the university bathroom at the time of the police ambush. She tells her story also in his later novel The Savage Detectives.[27]
Borrar de la Memoria, a movie about a journalist who investigates a girl who was killed in July 1968, lightly touches the massacre, which is filmed by Roberto Rentería, a C.U.E.C. student who was making a documentary about said girl, known popularly as La empaquetada ("the packaged [girl]") for the way her dismembered body was found inside a box.
Los Parecidos, a 2015 film, also takes place at the date, references Tlatelolco heavily and portrays the conflict between students and the government.
"Jarhdin", a song by Mexican artist Maya Ghazal, features a two-minute audio sample recorded during the shooting at The Plaza de las Tres Culturas.
In season 1 episode 2 of Netflix TV series Narcos, it briefly explains the role of the Mexican Government FDS and short video of the Mexican Army storming The Plaza de las Tres Culturas.
The 2018 TV seriesAn Unknown Enemy focuses on the same subject, from the perspective of an Intelligence agency.
The 1968 massacre has been referenced in the arts and pop culture in various ways. For example, in literary works such as "La Noche de Tlatelolco" (1971) by Elena Poniatowska which collected interviews, chants, slogans, and banners from student movement survivors.[28] Tlatelolco movement veterans like Carlos Monsiváis, José Emilio Pacheco, Octavio Paz, and Jaime Sabines have written poems on the massacre and films like Jorge Fons's Rojo Amanecer (1990) have kept the memory alive.[28] American composer John Adams set Rosario Castellanos' poem on the massacre at Tlatelolco in his oratorio El Niño (2000). Tlatelolco has marked the history of massacres and national injustice in Mexico in other historical ways which have permeated the arts such as it being a place of Aztec sacrificial performances, being the place where the Aztecs surrendered to the Spanish, and giving way to legitimizing the genocide of indigenous people in Mexico.[28]
The 1968 Summer Olympics, officially known as the Games of the XIX Olympiad and commonly known as Mexico 1968, were an international multi-sport event held from 12 to 27 October 1968 in Mexico City, Mexico. These were the first Olympic Games to be staged in Latin America and the first to be staged in a Spanish-speaking country. They were also the first Games to use an all-weather (smooth) track for track and field events instead of the traditional cinder track, as well as the first example of the Olympics exclusively using electronic timekeeping equipment.
The Institutional Revolutionary Party is a political party in Mexico that was founded in 1929 and held uninterrupted power in the country for 71 years, from 1929 to 2000, first as the National Revolutionary Party, then as the Party of the Mexican Revolution and finally as the PRI beginning in 1946.
Luis Echeverría Álvarez was a Mexican lawyer, academic, and politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), who served as the 57th president of Mexico from 1970 to 1976. Previously, he was Secretary of the Interior from 1963 to 1969. At the time of his death in 2022, he was his country's oldest living former head of state.
Gustavo Díaz Ordaz Bolaños was a Mexican politician and member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He served as the President of Mexico from 1964 to 1970. Previously, he served as a member of the Chamber of Deputies for Puebla's 1st district, a senator of the Congress of the Union for Puebla, and Secretary of the Interior.
Hélène Elizabeth Louise Amélie Paula Dolores Poniatowska Amor, known professionally as Elena Poniatowska, is a French-born Mexican journalist and author, specializing in works on social and political issues focused on those considered to be disenfranchised especially women and the poor. She was born in Paris to upper-class parents, including her mother whose family fled Mexico during the Mexican Revolution. She left France for Mexico when she was ten to escape the Second World War. When she was eighteen and without a university education, she began writing for the newspaper Excélsior, doing interviews and society columns. Despite the lack of opportunity for women from the 1950s to the 1970s, she wrote about social and political issues in newspapers, books in both fiction and nonfiction form. Her best known work is La noche de Tlatelolco about the repression of the 1968 student protests in Mexico City. Due to her left wing views, she has been nicknamed "the Red Princess". She is considered to be "Mexico's grande dame of letters" and is still an active writer.
The Plaza de las Tres Culturas is the main square within the Tlatelolco neighborhood of Mexico City. The name "Three Cultures" is in recognition of the three periods of Mexican history reflected by buildings in the square: pre-Columbian, Spanish colonial, and the independent nation. The square, designed by Mexican architect and urbanist Mario Pani, was completed in 1966.
La Onda was a multidisciplinary artistic movement created in Mexico by artists and intellectuals as part of the worldwide waves of the counterculture of the 1960s and the avant-garde. Pejoratively called as Literatura de la Onda by Margo Glantz in the beginning, the movement quickly grew and included other art forms with its followers called "onderos", "macizos" or "jipitecas". La Onda encompassed artistic productions in the worlds of cinema, literature, visual arts and music and strongly addressed social issues of the time such as women's rights, ecology, spirituality, artistic freedom, open drug use and democracy in a country tightly ruled by the PRI. According to Mexican intellectual Carlos Monsiváis, La Onda was "a new spirit, the repudiation of convention and prejudice, the creation of a new morality, the challenging of proper morals, the expansion of consciousness, the systematic revision and critique of the values offered by the West as sacred and perfect."
The Mexican Movement of 1968, also known as the Mexican Student Movement was a social movement composed of a broad coalition of students from Mexico's leading universities that garnered widespread public support for political change in Mexico. A major factor in its emergence publicly was the Mexican government's lavish spending to build Olympic facilities for the 1968 Olympics in Mexico City. The movement demanded greater political freedoms and an end to the authoritarianism of the PRI regime, which had been in power since 1929.
Tlatelolco is an area now within the Cuauhtémoc borough of Mexico City, centered on the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. Its archeological history extends to remains from the 15th and 16th centuries, as well as more recent colonial structures.
The Mexican Dirty War was the Mexican theater of the Cold War, an internal conflict from the 1960s to the 1980s between the Mexican Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI)-ruled government under the presidencies of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, Luis Echeverría and José López Portillo, which were backed by the US government, and left-wing student and guerrilla groups. During the war, government forces carried out disappearances, systematic torture, and "probable extrajudicial executions".
General elections were held in Mexico on 5 July 1970. The presidential elections were won by Luis Echeverría Álvarez, who received 86% of the vote. In the Chamber of Deputies election, the Institutional Revolutionary Party won 178 of the 213 seats, as well as winning all 64 seats in the Senate election. Voter turnout in the legislative elections was 64.4%.
The Corpus Christi Massacre or El Halconazo was a massacre of student demonstrators during the Mexican Dirty War in Mexico City on 10 June 1971, the day of the Corpus Christi festival. Nearly 120 protesters were killed, among them a 14-year-old boy.
Events in the year 1968 in Mexico.
Tlatelolco, verano del 68 is a 2013 Mexican film about the political events that took place in Mexico City in the months before the 1968 Olympics.
The National Strike Council, the Consejo Nacional de Huelga (CNH) was created on August 2, 1968, composed of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN), El Colegio de Mexico, the School of Agriculture of Chapingo, the Universidad Iberoamericana, the Universidad La Salle and other universities in Mexico.
The Superocheros were a group of political film makers in Mexico. In the late 1960s, Mexico experienced an intense conflict of ideologies between state officials and university students. In the spirit of left wing politics and democracy, students organized and protested in order to promote social change. When the state responded by coordinating a military assault that ended up killing hundreds of unarmed students, students resorted to super 8 mm film to express their grievances with the state and to rebel by creating films uncensored by the state. This group of mostly male college students identified as the superocheros, adopting the name of the type of film with which they shot films.
The Masacre of San Miguel Canoa was a lynching that occurred in the village of San Miguel Canoa in Puebla, México on 14 September 1968. Enrique Meza Pérez, a right-wing priest, incited a mob of villagers to attack five mountain climbers who he believed were communists.
The Silence March was a demonstration that was held in Mexico City on September 13, 1968. The purpose of the march was to protest against the Government of Mexico. The march was organized by the National Strike Council, the organization behind the Mexican Movement of 1968.
An Unknown Enemy is a 2018 web television political thriller and propaganda drama series released on Amazon Prime.
The Halcones (Falcons) were a Mexican paramilitary group created at the end of the 1960s and led by Colonel Manuel Díaz Escobar, then deputy director of General Services of the Federal District Department. The group was responsible for the Corpus Christi Massacre—also known as Halconazo—on 10 June 1971, in which nearly 120 people were killed during a student demonstration in Mexico City.
↑ "The most terrifying night of my life". BBC News. October 2, 2008. Retrieved July 27, 2010. "Human rights groups and foreign journalists have put the number of dead at around 300."
↑ Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, "PROBLEMA ESTUDIANTIL", October 3, 1968, in ADFS, Exp. 11-4-68, L-44, H-292.
Flaherty, George F. Hotel Mexico: Dwelling on the '68 Movement, University of California Press, 2016.
Lucas, Jeffrey Kent. The Rightward Drift of Mexico's Former Revolutionaries: The Case of Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010.
Pensado, Jaime M. and Enrique C. Ochoa, eds. México Beyond 1968: Revolutionaries, Radicals, and Repression During the Global Sixties and Subversive Seventies. Tucson: University of Arizona Press 2018. ISBN978-0-8165-3842-3
Poniatowska, Elena (trans. by Lane, Helen R.), Massacre in Mexico (original title La noche de Tlatelolco, or The Night of Tlatelolco), New York: Viking, 1975 ISBN0-8262-0817-7.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
