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Abolishing the monarchy | ||||||||||||||||
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A referendum on abolishing the monarchy was held in the Kingdom of Sikkim on 14 April 1975. [1] Official results stated the proposal was approved by 97.55% of voters with a turnout of about 63%, and resulted in the country becoming an Indian state.
Sikkim had been a protectorate of India during the British colonial rule since the 19th century. The arrangement was continued after India's independence through a treaty in 1950, by which India assumed responsibility for communications, defence and foreign affairs, as well as the "territorial integrity" of Sikkim. Sikkim had autonomy in internal affairs. [2] [3]
Support for the Chogyal (the monarch) came from the Bhutia community (Tibetan settlers that came in during the medieval times) and to some extent the native Lepchas. [4] Together these two communities made up less than 25% of the population of Sikkim. The remainder of the population was mostly made up of Nepali settlers, who came in during the British Raj. In the elections to the representative bodies, each vote of Bhutia-Lepcha communities was counted as representing six votes so as to give them an undue weitage. [5] The Indian government went along with this unequal system in the interest of stability in a strategic buffer state along the border. [6] [7]
In 1973, according to observers, India perceived increasing hostility from the Chogyal and decided to back the democratic movements which called for "one man one vote". [8] Following violent agitations in April 1973, India mediated between the political movements and Chogyal, and brought in a new system, whereby an equal number of seats would be reserved for Bhutia-Lepchas and Nepalis (15 each), but the electorate would function on a "one man one vote" principle. [9] [lower-alpha 1] In the following elections, Sikkim National Congress, led by Kazi Lhendup Dorji, won 31 out of the 32 seats, defeating the royalist National Party in both the Nepali-dominated as well as Bhutia-Lepcha-dominated constituencies. [10]
Between May and July 1974, the new government passed the Government of Sikkim Act, which was to be the new constitution for Sikkim. It was based on May 1973 agreement mediated by the Indian government, and created three institutions: Chief Minister, Council of Ministers and a Chief Executive. The office of the Chief Executive, reminiscent of the systems used during the British Raj, appeared to be the real head of state even though its holder was expected to seek the approval of the Chogyal for all important matters, while Chogyal himself was divested of all power. [11] [12] There were also several provisions for furthering relations with India. [13] [3] On 4 July 1974, it received the approval of the Chogyal. [14] [1]
On 13 August 1974, the Sikkim National Congress wrote to the Government of India citing the Chapter VI of the new constitution and sought participation of the people of Sikkim in the political institutions of India. Based on the request, the Government of India introduced the Constitutional (Thirty Sixth Amendment) Bill, 1974 giving Sikkim the status of an Associated State, and providing to Sikkim one seat each in the two houses of Indian Parliament. The Bill was passed by the Parliament by 7 September 1974. [14] [15] [16] [17]
The Chogyal immediately objected to India's Constitutional Amendment, calling it a violation of the 1950 Indo-Sikkim treaty. He asked the Indian prime minister to safeguard "our separate identity and international personality". [18] According to Indian commentators, he also tried to "internationalise" the issue, by telling foreign press that Sikkim was being "annexed" by India. [19]
In Februaray 1975, Chogyal went to Nepal for the coronation of its king. He is said to have engaged in anti-India propaganda and tried mobiling the visiting foreign dignitaries to take up his cause. [20] This inflamed the political movements in Sikkim, calling for the abolition of monarchy and the expulsion of the Chogyal from Sikkim. When Chogyal returned to Sikkim, demonstrations blocked his way to the palace, and the palace guards attacked the demonstrators, injuring one member of the National Assembly. There were reports of Chogyal trying to raise a guerrilla force and importing arms from Chinese-administered Tibet. A supporter of Chogyal went to court and obtained an injunction against sending Sikkimese representatives to the Indian Parliament. There was violence on the streets with several people being shot in Gangtok. [20]
The chief minister, Kazi Lhendup Dorji, requested Indian intervention. The Indian Army was sent in to disarm the palace guards, and the security of the palace was taken over by the Indian forces. [20] The National Assembly passed a resolution calling for abolition of the monarchy and merger with the Indian Union. The chief ministered ordered a referendum on both the points to be held on 14 April 1975. [21] [22] [23] A referendum had also been consistently demanded by the Chogyal and his supporters since the Indian incorporation of Sikkim as an associate state in September. [24] [1]
Pro-Chogyal and anti-merger figures and communities were ruthlessly harassed and attacked by Indian-backed groups in the days leading up to the referendum. Many leaders of anti-merger groups were forced into hiding and had their homes destroyed, such as Kunzang Dorji from Kewzing. Hem Lall Bhandari, founder of the Sikkim Student's Association in Darjeeling, who said "Would the people of India have forgone their independence for two seats in the British Parliament?" in response to the 1974 Government of Sikkim Act, was beaten and jailed by Indian authorities. Phurba Bhutia, former leader of the Sikkim National Party, was assassinated in his home in Sang by Indian agents. Other Sikkimese nationalists arrested, tortured, and jailed by Indian authorities include Sherab Palden, Tejendra Rasaily, Kunga Topden, and Danny and Nadu Lepcha. [25]
Voters, already under an atmosphere of intimidation by Indian and pro-India forces, were reportedly not told that the referendum would mean the annexation of Sikkim by India or the abolition of the Chogyal. They were given pink slips of paper with the question, and meant to put it in a pink box for approval, or a white box for disapproval, confusing some who simply matched the colours without being fully aware of the consequences. The polling stations were manned by members of the CRP (Central Reserve Police) who ordered voters to cast their votes in the pink "approval" box. Those who refused were beaten. [26]
| Choice | Votes | % | |
|---|---|---|---|
| For | 59,637 | 97.55 | |
| Against | 1,496 | 2.45 | |
| Total | 61,133 | 100.00 | |
| Source: Direct Democracy [1] | |||
The results of the plebiscite were questioned by Sunanda K. Datta-Ray, who argued that "it took at least two days by jeep, the fastest mode of transport, to reach some of these inaccessible habitations, and it just would not have been physically possible to complete arrangements, hold the polls and count votes between 11 and 15 April." [27]
Supporters of the Chogyal maintain that 70 to 80% of voters were outsiders from India. [27]
China and Pakistan called the referendum a farce and a disguise for the forced annexation of the principality, to which Indira Gandhi replied by reminding them of their annexation of Tibet and the issue of Azad Kashmir, which she believed was Indian territory, respectively. The Chogyal called the referendum "illegal and unconstitutional". [28] [29]
The U.S. government viewed the merging of Sikkim into India as a historic and practical inevitability, given the state's location on important trade routes. The Soviet Union responded positively, though with a muted response.[ citation needed ] In 1978, Gandhi's successor, Prime Minister Morarji Desai, expressed regret and criticised the annexation of Sikkim, which along with increasing inflation led to violent protests against him by youth wing of the Indian National Congress. [30] While Desai said the annexation was "not a desirable step" and bemoaned the fact he could not undo it, he also claimed "most of the people there wanted it" due to the unpopularity of the Chogyal. [31]
After the declaration of the results, Sikkim's chief minister Kazi Lhendup Dorji cabled the results of the referendum to Indira Gandhi and asked her "to make an immediate response and accept the decision" to which she responded by saying that the Indian government would introduce a constitutional amendment in Parliament that would allow the kingdom to become part of India constitutionally. [32] [33]
The Indian Parliament gave its final approval to the constitutional amendment making Sikkim a state on 26 April 1975. [34] On 15 May 1975 Indian President Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed ratified a constitutional amendment that made Sikkim the 22nd state of India and abolished the position of the Chogyal. [35]
Dorji Dahdul, former chief secretary of Sikkim, criticised the referendum for intimidation of Sikkimese voters, the lack of clarity given by the Indian-backed election authorities, and the forced repression of pro-independence Sikkimese preventing them from canvassing, also noting that the Sikkim Election Commission did not have the authority to conduct such a referendum in the first place under the Government of Sikkim Act. Elisa-Maria Kazini, wife of L.D. Kazi, berated her husband for his role in the referendum, saying "They will say Kazi sold his country, sold it, Kazi!" [36] In 1984, she made a similar statement to author and the Chogyal's close friend, Nari Rustomji, saying "You and the Chogyal were absolutely right, it has all been a terrible mistake." [37]
Prince Wangchuk, the Chogyal's second son, at the time studying in London, published articles for The Times to protest India's actions, writing "No matter what the geo-political justifications for Indian actions may be, the fact remains that the separate legal identity of Sikkim has been destroyed by a series of unconstitutional and illegal actions forced on the Sikkimese people by Indian army and police pressure. Hence, India's refusal to allow independent observers into Sikkim and the rush in the Indian Parliament to incorporate Sikkim into the Union is significant." [38]
Soon after the merger, The Emergency was declared by Indira Gandhi's government, and Indian officials in Sikkim used it as an opportunity to crack down on pro-independence forces, with figures such as Captain Sonam Yongda, Nar Bahadur Bhandari, and Ashok Kumar Subba being arrested and jailed at Berhampur in West Bengal, as well as stifling the general popular opinion in Sikkim. [39]
Nar Bahadur Khatiwada, Kazi's adopted son and a major figure in the Indian takeover, became one of the leaders of opposition to the merger after the Emergency had concluded, being a founder of the Sikkim Prajatantra Congress party. Khatiwada sent a memorandum to Prime Minister Desai in 1977 where he described the merger as "illegal", "unconstitutional", and "against the wishes of the Sikkimese people", and described India's tactics in the period of its interference in Sikkim as "the age-old methods of imperialist nations of divide and rule, propagating false propaganda, creating an illusion that democracy was being introduced and democratic institutions were being strengthened for the benefit of the Sikkimese people, whereas, in reality, the trust of the simple and innocent people were being deceived, exploited, and betrayed." In his letter, Khatiwada also gave testimony to Indian forces' violence against anti-merger Sikkimese, and the beatings given to Sikkimese who refused to cast their vote in "the so-called box of the people", and closed with an urging to restore Sikkim to "its previous status" [40]
Anti-merger parties, namely the Sikkim Janata Parishad, swept the 1979 Sikkim election, winning all but a single independent seat. Kazi, humiliated by his defeat where he was soundly defeated in his home district by Athup Lepcha, retired to Kalimpong, but not before urging Governor Lal to try and void the election and prevent the anti-merger parties from taking control. Despite their victory, these parties did little to reverse the merger, with the SJP describing the merger as a "fait accompli" in press conferences, and the party made moves to get closer to Indira Gandhi, who had returned to power, alienating its supporters in Sikkim who felt betrayed. The SJP dissolved itself and joined the Indian National Congress in 1981. [41]
Two years before his death, Chogyal Palden Thondup Namgyal confided in MLA P.L. Gurung that he had not yet given up hope for Sikkim's independence, and hoped that it could have a status similar to Bhutan, being independent, while maintaining close ties to India, regardless of whether independence would also mean a restoration of the monarchy, with his second son and successor, prince Wangchuk, noting that his father was more concerned with Sikkim's sovereignty and sharing the truth of how the merger happened than his own throne. [42]
Hope Cooke the former Gyalmo (queen) of Sikkim, stated in her autobiography that she believed the 1978 death of the Chogyal's eldest son, Prince Tenzing, a popular figure and defiant Sikkimese nationalist, was orchestrated by India to weaken Sikkimese nationalism, noting that the prince was on a road built for one-way traffic when he was hit by a one-ton truck, and that there was no inquiry into the accident. [43] More than 25,000 people attended Tenzing's funeral despite an Indian-imposed ban on visiting the palace, demonstrating the Sikkimese people's loyalty to the Namgyal dynasty, and served as a silent protest against the merger. The Chogyal received similar devotion from the Sikkimese people following his own death in 1982. [44] On the same day as Chogyal Palden Thondup's funeral, his second son, Wangchuk, was unofficially consecrated as the new Chogyal, an act that provoked controversy with Indian authorities, particularly when the crowds began to sing the banned Sikkimese national anthem and shout "Long live the Chogyal!" National and State authorities wanted state politicians involved to apologise for their participation, but this was refused, with three legislators signing a statement that it was a purely religious ceremony, not a political one. Wangchuk noted the outpouring of support as "a pretty obvious vindication of my father's stand and a direct denial of the popular Indian view that the king was an autocrat whom the people wanted to get rid of." [45]
An independence movement continues to exist in Sikkim to this day; however, due to Sikkim's remoteness and isolation, it is difficult to gauge its size or support. [46]
The Sikkim State Congress, or SSC, was an annexationist political party in the Kingdom of Sikkim. It was founded in 1947 and worked closely with the Indian National Congress (INC) to successfully achieve the annexation of Sikkim to India. Other parties established by the INC to serve India's interests in its near abroad included the Nepal State Congress Party and the Bhutan State Congress Party.
The Bhutia are a community of Sikkimese people living in the state of Sikkim in northeastern India, who speak Drenjongke or Sikkimese, a Tibetic language fairly mutually intelligible with standard Tibetan. In 2001, the Bhutia numbered around 60,300. Bhutia here refers to people of Tibetic ancestry.
The history of Sikkim begins with the indigenous Lepcha's contact with early Tibetan settlers. Historically, Sikkim was a sovereign Monarchical State in the eastern Himalayas. Later a protectorate of India followed by a merger with India and official recognition as a state of India. Lepchas were the main inhabitants as well as the Ruler of the land up to 1641. Lepchas are generally considered to be the first people, indigenous to Sikkim also includes Darjeeling.
Phuntsog Namgyal (1604–1670) was the first Chogyal (monarch) of Sikkim, now an Indian state. He consecrated in 1642 at the age of 38. Phuntsog was a fifth generation descendant of Khye Bumsa, a 13th-century prince from the Mi-nyak House in Kham in Eastern Tibet. According to legend, Guru Rinpoche, a 9th-century Buddhist saint had foretold the event that a Phuntsog from the east would be the next chogyal of Sikkim. In 1642, three lamas, from the north, west, and south went in search for the chosen person. Near present-day Gangtok, they found a man churning milk. He offered them some refreshments and gave them shelter. So impressed were they by his deeds that they realised that he was a chosen one and immediately crowned him king. The crowning took place Norbughang near Yuksom on a stone slab in a pine covered hill, and he was anointed by sprinkling water from a sacred urn.
Tensung Namgyal (1644–1700) was the second Chogyal (monarch) of Sikkim. He succeeded his father Phuntsog Namgyal in 1670 and moved the capital from Yuksom to Rabdentse near Geyzing. He had three wives from Bhutan, Nambi Onmo, Tibet, Lhacham Pema Putik, and a Limbu princess from the Arun valley, Thungwamukma. After establishing Rabdentse as his new capital he built a palace and asked his Limbu Queen to name it. She named it "Song Khim" which in Limbu language means "New Palace". This later went on to become "Sukhim" and "Sikkim". He was succeeded by his son Chakdor Namgyal, borne by his second wife in 1700. He had one last son with his third wife. Though he is not well known his grandson becomes a king of a small kingdom inside his father's rule.
Kazi Lhendup Dorjee, also spelled Lhendup Dorji or Lhendup Dorji Khangsarpa was an Indian politician who was the first chief minister of Sikkim from 1975 to 1979 after its union with India. He was the first Prime Minister of Sikkim from 1974 to 1975. He also served as the Executive Council of Sikkim from 1967 to 1970. He was a member of INC after 1975 and Sikkim National Congress before 1975.
Sikkimese are people who inhabit the Indian state of Sikkim. The dominance ethnic diversity of Sikkim is represented by 'Lho-Mon-Tsong-Tsum' that identifies origin of three races since seventeenth century. The term 'Lho' refers to Bhutias (Lhopo) means south who migrated from Southern Tibet, the term 'Mon' refers to Lepchas (Rong) lived in lower Eastern Himalayas and the term 'Tsong' refers to Limbus, another tribe of Sikkim. The pre-theocratic phase of Sikkim was inhabited by the Kiratis, “Sikkim is also known as the home of the Kirati tribesmen from the pre-historic times. Society in Sikkim is characterised by multiple ethnicity and possesses attributes of a plural society. The present population of Sikkim is composed of different races and ethnic groups, viz., the Lepchas, the Bhutias, the Nepalis and the Plainsmen, who came and settled in different phases of history. The historic 8 May agreement between Chogyal, Government of India and political parties of Sikkim defines Sikkimese as Sikkimese of Bhutia-Lepcha origin or Sikkimese of Nepali origin including Tsongs and Schedule castes. The community in Sikkim is inclusive of three sub-cultural sectors: the Kiratis, the Newaris and the Indian Gorkhas.
The Kingdom of Sikkim, officially Dremoshong until the 1800s, was a hereditary monarchy in the Eastern Himalayas which existed from 1642 to 16 May 1975, when it was annexed by India. It was ruled by Chogyals of the Namgyal dynasty.
The indigenous people of Sikkim are the Lepchas; the naturalized ethnic populations of Limbus, Bhutias, Kiratis, & Indian Gorkha of Nepalese descendants who have an enduring presence in shaping the history of modern Sikkim. The indigeneity criteria for including all peoples of Sikkim and Darjeeling hills is a misnomer as it is clearly known that Lepchas are the first people who trace their origin and culture of their ethnogenesis to the historical and somewhat political geography of Sikkim history as is well documented by colonial and immigrant settler history. However many tribes preceded the migration of the colonial powers and can trace their migratory background as well as ancestral heritage and a well formed history of civilization and cultural locus that is not inherently indigenous to Sikkim.
Chakdor Namgyal was the third Chogyal (king) of Sikkim. He succeeded Tensung Namgyal in 1700 and was succeeded himself by Gyurmed Namgyal in 1716.
Phuntsog Namgyal II was the fifth Chogyal (king) of Sikkim. He succeeded Gyurmed Namgyal in 1733 and was succeeded himself by Tenzing Namgyal in 1780.
The Sikkim Legislative Assembly is the unicameral state legislature of Sikkim state in north-eastern India. The seat of the Legislative Assembly is at Gangtok, the capital of the Sikkim state.
Sir Raja Sonam Topgay Dorji CIE, also called Tobgay, was a member of the Dorji family and Bhutanese politician who served between 1917 and 1952 in the Royal Government under the First and Second Kings of Bhutan. During this period, Topgay Dorji officially held the posts of Gongzim, Deb Zimpon, and Trade Agent to the Government of Bhutan. As such, Topgay Dorji was responsible for fostering Anglo-Bhutanese relations, and later, Bhutan–India relations. Topgay's ties with the west and modernist political factions contributed significantly to the modern political landscape and modernization of Bhutan.
Sikkim Swatantra Dal was a political party in Sikkim. The party was founded and led by Namgay Tsering and Kazi Lhendup Dorji. The latter served as the president of the party. The party was launched ahead of the November 1958 election, formed after a split from the Sikkim State Congress. The party called for the abolition of the communal electoral system. Kazi Lhendup Dorji contested the November 1958 election, but lost his seat. All in all, Swantantra Dal won a single seat in the election.
Bhim Bahadur Gurung was the third Chief Minister of Sikkim. He held office from 11 May until 24 May 1984, the shortest term in the history of Sikkim.
General elections were held in Sikkim in January 1973. The Sikkim National Party emerged as the largest party, winning nine of the 18 elected seats.
General elections were held in Sikkim on 13 April 1974. They were the first elections in Sikkim to be held on the basis of universal suffrage, and also the last prior to Indian annexation. The result was a victory for the Sikkim National Congress, which won 31 of the 32 seats in the State Council. Kazi Lhendup Dorjee subsequently became Chief Minister. In May 1975 Sikkim became a state of India, at which point the State Council became the Sikkim Legislative Assembly.
Nahakul Pradhan also known as Nakul Pradhan was a Sikkimese pre-merger politician, pro-democracy leader, a member of the Sikkim State Council and Executive Council of Sikkim serving multiple terms. He was the President of the Sikkim State Congress party and the Editor of Sikkim’s first news magazine Kanchenjunga.
Bhuta-Lepcha is an ethnic grouping consisting of people of the Bhutia and Lepcha communities in Sikkim, India. Both these groups are listed as Scheduled Tribes by the Government of India.
The State Council of Sikkim was the unicameral legislature of the former Kingdom of Sikkim, which was located in the Himalayas, between India and China.
