Integrated threat theory

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Integrated threat theory (ITT), also known as intergroup threat theory, [1] is a theory in psychology and sociology which attempts to describe the components of perceived threat that lead to prejudice between social groups. The theory applies to any social group that may feel threatened in some way, whether or not that social group is a majority or minority group in their society. This theory deals with perceived threat rather than actual threat. Perceived threat includes all of the threats that members of group believe they are experiencing, regardless of whether those threats actually exist. For example, people may feel their economic well-being is threatened by an outgroup stealing their jobs even if, in reality, the outgroup has no effect on their job opportunities. Still, their perception that their job security is under threat can increase their levels of prejudice against the outgroup. Thus, even false alarms about threat still have "real consequence" for prejudice between groups. [1]

Contents

Original components of the theory

ITT was first proposed by Walter G. Stephan and Cookie White Stephan (2000). [2] The original theory had four components: realistic threats, symbolic threats, intergroup anxiety, and negative stereotypes. [2]

Realistic threats

Realistic threats are threats that pose a danger to the ingroup's well-being. These can include threats to physical safety or health, threats to economic and political power, and threats to the existence of the group. This component was originally developed as a part of realistic conflict theory by Donald T. Campbell (1965). [3]

Symbolic threats

Symbolic threats arise where there is a perceived difference between the values and worldview of an ingroup and outgroup. The difference can make the ingroup feel that the outgroup poses a threat to their group morals, standards, beliefs, and attitudes. These threats are thus strongly tied to a group's sense of identity. The category was derived from Gordon Allport's discussion of the relationship between one's values and one's identity. He proposed that, since values are important to who we are, we will reject other groups that disagree with our values. [4] It is also based on the research of Esses et al. (1993), who found that groups had more negative feelings towards an outgroup if that outgroup interfered with the ingroup's customs. [5]

Intergroup anxiety

Intergroup anxiety refers to the expectation that interacting with someone from a different group will be a negative experience. People with intergroup anxiety fear that they will feel uncomfortable, embarrassed, unsafe, or judged, either by members of the outgroup or by people of their own ingroup. Before creating the ITT framework, Stephan & Stephan (1985) had been conducting research on intergroup anxiety. [6] The concept of intergroup anxiety also draws from the Aversive Racism theory, which argues that subconscious negative feelings about Black Americans are an important part of racism against them. [7]

Negative stereotypes

Stereotypes are a strategy of simplifying a complex situation by relying on popular pre-set judgements. [8] ITT predicts that negative pre-set judgments about another group can lead to prejudice. This component of ITT draws from research that found that belief in negatively-rated stereotypical traits was linked to higher levels of prejudice against the stereotyped group. [8] Stephan & Stephan (2000) acknowledged that some research has not found links between prejudice and general stereotypes. [2] Thus, it seems that, while general stereotypes assume some positive things about other groups, only the negative aspects of stereotypes are relevant to prejudice.

Updated two-component theory

Stephan & Renfro (2002) proposed an updated version of the theory which reduced the four components to two basic types: realistic and symbolic threats. [9] The categories of negative stereotypes and intergroup anxiety were removed from the basic framework of the theory because they were found to be better understood as subtypes of threat. They can lead to either realistic or symbolic threats rather than standing as their own separate categories. [1] For example, intergroup anxiety can be based on expectations of physical danger, a realistic threat, as well as on expectations of damage to one's identity, a symbolic threat. [1]

Experimental Support

Since ITT makes a causal claim that perceived threat causes prejudice, studies using an experimental design are necessary. Some researchers have taken on this task to experimentally manipulate types of realistic and perceived threat in order to examine if they cause prejudice. For example, Esses et al. (1998) [10] and Esses et al. (2001) [11] carried out research studies in which they manipulated the research participants' understanding of economic threat posed by immigrants. Esses et al. (1998) had Canadian undergraduate student participants read one of two editorials that were written for the study. [10] One editorial discussed a new group of immigrants with no mention of the job market while the other editorial discussed the same group and emphasized their success in finding jobs despite the scarcity of jobs in Canada. They then studied the effects of perception of economic threat, a type of realistic threat, on attitudes about immigrants and reported willingness to help immigrants. Results showed that participants that read the editorial that emphasized competition had less favorable attitudes towards immigrants and were less likely to approve of programs to empower immigrants. [10] Esses et al. (2001) carried out similar experiments with very similar editorials. Their results showed that participants that read articles that emphasized the tough job market had more negative attitudes towards the immigrants, were less supportive of their immigration into Canada, and were less supportive of programs to empower immigrants. [11] The data from these research studies provide some support for the causal influence of realistic threat on prejudice against immigrants. [10] [11]

The causal influence of symbolic threat on prejudice was partially explored in a study by Branscombe & Wann (1994), who focused on perceived threat to ingroup identity in particular. [12] The participants, undergraduate females from the U.S., answered questionnaires about their levels of pride in their American identity at the beginning of the study. They then manipulated the participants' perceived threat to ingroup identity using video clips, which either showed an American or a Russian boxer beating the other in a match. After seeing one version of the video, participants completed a questionnaire that measured their desire to distance themselves from the outgroup, in this case, Russians. The results of this study showed that increased perception of threat to ingroup identity raises a desire to distance oneself from the outgroup. [12] This provides some experimental evidence that perception of threat to ingroup identity may causes greater prejudice towards outgroups. However, further experimental research is necessary in order to more firmly and widely establish the causal role of realistic and symbolic threats in prejudice.

Factors that influence levels of perceived threat

There are several factors that can lead to increased or decreased levels of group perceived threat.

Power Dynamics

The updated ITT theory draws from the findings of contact hypothesis, which claims that it is important to have equality between groups. Power dynamics between two groups are shown to have an influence on how the groups relate to and perceive each other. High-power groups are more likely to influence and threaten other groups. Low-power groups are often vulnerable to the influence and threats of other groups. Thus, low-power groups tend to be on alert and perceive more threats than high power groups do. [13] Corenblum & Stephan (2001) found, for example, that Native Canadians felt more threatened by White Canadians than White Canadians felt about them. [14] However, when high-power groups do perceive threat from another group, they "will react more strongly" than low-power groups. [13] This is likely because they have more to lose if the threat is real and have more resources that allow them to counter to such threats. [13] Two groups of relatively equal power status can be especially sensitive to feeling threatened if they are in competition with each other for resources, such as jobs. [15]

Identity

Stephan & Renfro (2016) predicted that, the more important group membership is to ingroup members' sense of personal identity, the more likely those people will feel threatened by and uncomfortable when interacting with other groups. According to this prediction, people with strong ingroup identification are likely to be more focused on differences between the groups, thus giving them more motivation to hold negative stereotypes of other groups so that they can believe that their group is the best. [16]

Culture

There may be a link between the personal importance of group membership and the larger culture in which the groups live. Collectivistic cultures, for example, place a greater emphasis on the importance of group membership compared to individualistic cultures. [17] Culture can also influence perceived threat between groups through the culture's level of uncertainty avoidance. Hofstede & Bond (1984) define uncertainty avoidance as "the degree to which people feel threatened by ambiguous situations, and have created beliefs and institutions that try to avoid these." [18] Stephan & Renfro (2002) thus suggest that cultures which hold norms and laws as very important are likely to perceive threat from "unfamiliar groups." [16] Further research on these topics can better inform the role of culture in intergroup relationships.

Research applications

ITT has been used in research on various social groups, including immigrants, Muslims, tourists, and more.

Immigrants

Multiple studies on intergroup relations have focused on immigrants. For example, Ward & Masgoret (2006) built upon ITT in combination with the Instrumentive Model of Group Conflict to test a model of attitudes toward immigrants, using participants from New Zealand. [19] These participants filled out questionnaires that measured Multicultural Ideology, Intergroup Anxiety, Contact with Immigrants, Perceived Intergroup Threat, and Attitudes toward Immigrants. The results supported the model, suggesting that increased contact with immigrants and multicultural ideology are related to lower levels of perceived threat from immigrants, which is in turn directly related to more positive attitudes towards immigrants. [19]

Croucher (2013) used the ITT framework to explore reasons that dominant groups in France, Germany, and Great Britain sometimes resist Muslim immigrants' efforts to assimilate. The data was collected through questionnaires, which included measures for symbolic threats, realistic threats, stereotypes, perception of immigrants' motivation to assimilate, and multigroup ethnic identity. The results supported the theory that the more that the dominant groups felt threatened by the immigrants, the less they thought that the immigrants wanted to assimilate into their country. [20]

Similarly, Rohmann et al. (2008) used the ITT framework to examine the relationship between perceived threat and a dominant group's expectation of an immigrant group's attitude about acculturation. Their research included two studies, one in which German participants were asked about their expectations of French and Turkish immigrants in Germany and another in which German participants were asked about their expectations of two fictitious groups, based on paragraph-long descriptions. Results from both studies suggest that levels of perceived threat are higher if dominant groups expect that an immigrant group has different attitudes about acculturation than the dominant group does. [21]

Muslims

Tausch et al. (2009) examined Muslim relations with Hindus in India. ITT was incorporated into their research in order to examine which factors are important in perceived threat between the minority Muslim and majority Hindu groups of India. Their data was collected through a survey given to both Muslim and Hindu students at the same university, which measured contact quantity, contact quality, perceived relative status of the two groups, realistic threats, symbolic threats, intergroup anxiety, preference for social distance, and ingroup bias. [22] Results showed that symbolic threat was important for Hindus' levels of perceived threat while realistic threat was important for Muslims' levels of perceived threat. [22]

Gonzalez et al. (2008) carried out similar research in the Netherlands, examining the prejudice of Dutch youth, who are members of the majority, against the Muslim minority in the country. Their data was collected through a questionnaire given to high schoolers in different cities, which measured support for multicultural ideologies, frequency of contact with Muslims, ingroup identification, realistic economic threat, symbolic threats, stereotypes, and prejudicial attitudes towards Muslims. [23] Results showed that prejudicial attitudes were related to higher perception of symbolic threats and more belief in stereotypes. [23]

Uenal (2016) applied the ITT framework to better understand factors involved in the presence of Islamophobic conspiracy stereotypes in Europe. The data was collected through an online survey given to German university students which measured ambiguity intolerance, belief in a clash of civilizations, realistic threats, symbolic threats, and levels of education. [24] Ambiguity intolerance was found to be related to increased conspiracy stereotypes through increased perceptions of symbolic threat. Belief in a clash of civilizations was found to be related to higher levels of realistic and symbolic threat and higher levels of belief in conspiracy stereotypes. Higher education levels showed the opposite trends, as it was related to lower levels of perceived threat and lower levels of belief in conspiracy stereotypes. [24]

Tourists

Tourism can bring different groups into contact and has thus been the subject of some research on intergroup relations using ITT. For example, Ward & Berno (2011) used ITT and contact hypothesis as theoretical backgrounds for predicting attitudes about tourism in Fiji and New Zealand. They collected data through surveys, which included measures of perceived impact of tourism, contact with tourists, the four aspects of the original ITT, and attitudes towards tourists. [25] Following the expectations of ITT, the data showed that lower levels of perceived realistic threat, symbolic threat, and intergroup anxiety, and more positive stereotypes were useful predictors of positives attitudes about tourism. [25] Monterubio (2016) applied ITT in studying negative attitudes towards spring break tourists in Cancun, Mexico. Data was collected through interviews with Cancun residents, which included questions about the social impact of spring break and attitudes towards spring breakers. [26] Transcripts of these interviews were then analyzed for themes, including the four components of the original ITT. The results suggested that realistic threats and intergroup anxiety were relevant aspects of prejudice against spring break tourists, largely because of the influence of their behavior. [26] Olaghere (2023) used ITT in an exploratory sequential study to investigate the impacts of tourism on residents of the Seychelles islands. [27] Data were obtained through a mixed method (interviews and questionnaire surveys) along the four components of ITT. Realistic threats included restricted access to certain beaches, economic leakages, and increasing strain on infrastructure. Symbolic threats were increases in incidents of prostitution and drug use. Analyses of the results further indicated that the residents perceived the threats to be outweighed by the benefits and therefore retained positive attitudes towards tourists. [27] The results did not support intergroup anxiety and negative stereotypes.

Critique of the theory

Stephan & Renfro (2002) updated ITT into the two-factor model and admitted that "ultimately, the model is circular." The theory states that perceived threat leads to prejudice but the outcomes of that prejudice itself can also lead into increased perceived threat. [16]

Anxiety/Uncertainty Management Theory counters the way that ITT conceptualizes anxiety as harmful for relationships between social groups. Instead, it understands anxiety as helpful for leading to more effective communication between groups. [28]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Prejudice</span> Attitudes based on preconceived categories

Prejudice can be an affective feeling towards a person based on their perceived group membership. The word is often used to refer to a preconceived evaluation or classification of another person based on that person's perceived personal characteristics, such as political affiliation, sex, gender, gender identity, beliefs, values, social class, age, disability, religion, sexuality, race, ethnicity, language, nationality, culture, complexion, beauty, height, body weight, occupation, wealth, education, criminality, sport-team affiliation, music tastes or other perceived characteristics.

The out-group homogeneity effect is the perception of out-group members as more similar to one another than are in-group members, e.g. "they are alike; we are diverse". Perceivers tend to have impressions about the diversity or variability of group members around those central tendencies or typical attributes of those group members. Thus, outgroup stereotypicality judgments are overestimated, supporting the view that out-group stereotypes are overgeneralizations. The term "outgroup homogeneity effect", "outgroup homogeneity bias" or "relative outgroup homogeneity" have been explicitly contrasted with "outgroup homogeneity" in general, the latter referring to perceived outgroup variability unrelated to perceptions of the ingroup.

In-group favoritism, sometimes known as in-group–out-group bias, in-group bias, intergroup bias, or in-group preference, is a pattern of favoring members of one's in-group over out-group members. This can be expressed in evaluation of others, in allocation of resources, and in many other ways.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">In-group and out-group</span> Sociological notions

In sociology and social psychology, an in-group is a social group to which a person psychologically identifies as being a member. By contrast, an out-group is a social group with which an individual does not identify. People may for example identify with their peer group, family, community, sports team, political party, gender, sexual orientation, religion, or nation. It has been found that the psychological membership of social groups and categories is associated with a wide variety of phenomena.

System justification theory is a theory within social psychology that system-justifying beliefs serve a psychologically palliative function. It proposes that people have several underlying needs, which vary from individual to individual, that can be satisfied by the defense and justification of the status quo, even when the system may be disadvantageous to certain people. People have epistemic, existential, and relational needs that are met by and manifest as ideological support for the prevailing structure of social, economic, and political norms. Need for order and stability, and thus resistance to change or alternatives, for example, can be a motivator for individuals to see the status quo as good, legitimate, and even desirable.

In psychology and other social sciences, the contact hypothesis suggests that intergroup contact under appropriate conditions can effectively reduce prejudice between majority and minority group members. Following WWII and the desegregation of the military and other public institutions, policymakers and social scientists had turned an eye towards the policy implications of interracial contact. Of them, social psychologist Gordon Allport united early research in this vein under intergroup contact theory.

Social identity is the portion of an individual's self-concept derived from perceived membership in a relevant social group.

Realistic conflict theory (RCT), also known as realistic group conflict theory (RGCT), is a social psychological model of intergroup conflict. The theory explains how intergroup hostility can arise as a result of conflicting goals and competition over limited resources, and it also offers an explanation for the feelings of prejudice and discrimination toward the outgroup that accompany the intergroup hostility. Groups may be in competition for a real or perceived scarcity of resources such as money, political power, military protection, or social status.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Stereotype</span> Generalized but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person or thing

In social psychology, a stereotype is a generalized belief about a particular category of people. It is an expectation that people might have about every person of a particular group. The type of expectation can vary; it can be, for example, an expectation about the group's personality, preferences, appearance or ability. Stereotypes are often overgeneralized, inaccurate, and resistant to new information. A stereotype does not necessarily need to be a negative assumption. They may be positive, neutral, or negative.

The ultimate attribution error is a type of attribution error which describes how attributions of outgroup behavior are more negative than ingroup behavior. As a cognitive bias, the error results in negative outgroup behavior being more likely to be attributed to factors internal and specific to the actor, such as personality, and the attribution of negative ingroup behavior to external factors such as luck or circumstance. The bias reinforces negative stereotypes and prejudice about the outgroup and favouritism of the ingroup through positive stereotypes. The theory also extends to the bias that positive acts performed by ingroup members are more likely a result of their personality.

Ambivalent prejudice is a social psychological theory that states that, when people become aware that they have conflicting beliefs about an outgroup, they experience an unpleasant mental feeling generally referred to as cognitive dissonance. These feelings are brought about because the individual on one hand believes in humanitarian virtues such as helping those in need, but on the other hand also believes in individualistic virtues such as working hard to improve one's life.

In social psychology, collective narcissism is the tendency to exaggerate the positive image and importance of a group to which one belongs. The group may be defined by ideology, race, political beliefs/stance, religion, sexual orientation, social class, language, nationality, employment status, education level, cultural values, or any other ingroup. While the classic definition of narcissism focuses on the individual, collective narcissism extends this concept to similar excessively high opinions of a person's social group, and suggests that a group can function as a narcissistic entity.

The imagined contact hypothesis is an extension of the contact hypothesis, a theoretical proposition centred on the psychology of prejudice and prejudice reduction. It was originally developed by Richard J. Crisp and Rhiannon N. Turner and proposes that the mental simulation, or imagining, of a positive social interaction with an outgroup member can lead to increased positive attitudes, greater desire for social contact, and improved group dynamics. Empirical evidence supporting the imagined contact hypothesis demonstrates its effectiveness at improving explicit and implicit attitudes towards and intergroup relations with a wide variety of stigmatized groups including religious minorities, the mentally ill, ethnic minorities, sexual minorities, and obese individuals. Researchers have identified a number of factors that influence the effectiveness of the imagined contact hypothesis including vividness of the imagery and how typical the imagined outgroup individual is. While some researchers question the effectiveness of the imagined contact hypothesis, empirical evidence does suggest it is effective at improving attitudes towards outgroups.

Intergroup anxiety is the social phenomenon identified by Walter and Cookie Stephan in 1985 that describes the ambiguous feelings of discomfort or anxiety when interacting with members of other groups. Such emotions also constitute intergroup anxiety when one is merely anticipating interaction with members of an outgroup. Expectations that interactions with foreign members of outgroups will result in an aversive experience is believed to be the cause of intergroup anxiety, with an affected individual being anxious or unsure about a number of issues. Methods of reducing intergroup anxiety and stress including facilitating positive intergroup contact.

The common ingroup identity model is a theoretical model proposed by Samuel L. Gaertner and John F. Dovidio that outlines the processes through which intergroup bias may be reduced. Intergroup bias is a preference for one's in-group over the out-group. Derived from the social identity approach to intergroup behaviour, the common ingroup identity model is rooted in the process of social categorization, or how people conceive of group boundaries. The model describes how intergroup bias can be reduced if members of different groups can be induced to conceive of themselves to be part of the same group, then they would develop more positive attitudes of the former outgroup members. An individual will change the way they view the out-group through a social categorization process called recategorization where former out-group members become incorporated into individual's representations of the in-group.

There is a great deal of research on the factors that lead to the formation of prejudiced attitudes and beliefs. There is also a lot of research on the consequences of holding prejudiced beliefs and being the target of such beliefs. It is true that advances have been made in understanding the nature of prejudice. A consensus on how to end prejudice has yet to be established, but there are a number of scientifically examined strategies that have been developed in attempt to solve this social issue.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Group threat theory</span>

Group threat theory, also known as group position theory, is a sociological theory that proposes the larger the size of an outgroup, the more the corresponding ingroup perceives it to threaten its own interests, resulting in the ingroup members having more negative attitudes toward the outgroup. It is based on the work of Herbert Blumer and Hubert M. Blalock Jr. in the 1950s and 1960s, and has since been supported by multiple studies. Other studies have not found support for the theory. Its predictions are contrary to those of the contact hypothesis, which posits that greater proximity between racial/ethnic groups under appropriate conditions can effectively reduce prejudice between majority and minority group members.

Intergroup relations refers to interactions between individuals in different social groups, and to interactions taking place between the groups themselves collectively. It has long been a subject of research in social psychology, political psychology, and organizational behavior.

In social psychology, a metastereotype is a stereotype that members of one group have about the way in which they are stereotypically viewed by members of another group. In other words, it is a stereotype about a stereotype. They have been shown to have adverse effects on individuals that hold them, including on their levels of anxiety in interracial conversations. Meta-stereotypes held by African Americans regarding the stereotypes White Americans have about them have been found to be largely both negative and accurate. People portray meta-stereotypes of their ingroup more positively when talking to a member of an outgroup than to a fellow member of their ingroup.

Diversity ideology refers to individual beliefs regarding the nature of intergroup relations and how to improve them in culturally diverse societies. A large amount of scientific literature in social psychology studies diversity ideologies as prejudice reduction strategies, most commonly in the context of racial groups and interracial interactions. In research studies on the effects of diversity ideology, social psychologists have either examined endorsement of a diversity ideology as individual difference or used situational priming designs to activate the mindset of a particular diversity ideology. It is consistently shown that diversity ideologies influence how individuals perceive, judge and treat cultural outgroup members. Different diversity ideologies are associated with distinct effects on intergroup relations, such as stereotyping and prejudice, intergroup equality, and intergroup interactions from the perspectives of both majority and minority group members. Beyond intergroup consequences, diversity ideology also has implications on individual outcomes, such as whether people are open to cultural fusion and foreign ideas, which in turn predict creativity.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Stephan, Walter G.; Ybarra, Oscar; Morrison, Kimberly Rios (2009). "Intergroup Threat Theory". In Nelson, Todd D. (ed.). Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Discrimination . Psychology Press. Taylor and Francis Group. pp.  44. ISBN   9780805859522.
  2. 1 2 3 Stephan, W. G.; Stephan, C. W. (2000). An integrated threat theory of prejudice. In Oskamp, S. (Ed.) Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination (pp. 23–45). Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
  3. ↑ Campbell, D.T. (1965). Ethnocentric and Other Altruistic Motives. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. pp. 283–311.
  4. ↑ Allport, G.W. (1954) The nature of prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.
  5. ↑ Esses V., Haddock G., and Zanna M. (1993) Values, stereotypes, and emotions as determinants of intergroup attitudes. In Mackie, D.M. & Hamilton, D.L. (Eds.), Affect, cognition, and stereotyping - interactive processes in group perception (pp. 137-166) San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
  6. ↑ Stephan, W.G. & Stephan, C.W. (1985) Intergroup Anxiety. Journal of Social Issues, 41, 157-175.
  7. ↑ Gaertner, S.L. & Dovidio, J. F. (1986). "The aversive form of racism". In Gaertner, S.L. & Dovidio, J. F. (Eds.), Prejudice, Discrimination, and Racism (pp. 61–89). Orlando: Academic Press.
  8. 1 2 Stephan, W.G. & Stephan, C.W. (1993) Cognition and affect in stereotyping : parallel interactive networks. In Mackie, D.M. & Hamilton, D.L. (Eds.), Affect, cognition, and stereotyping - interactive processes in group perception (pp. 137-166). San Diego, CA: Academic Press.
  9. ↑ Stephan, W. G., & Renfro, C. L. (2002). The role of threat in intergroup relations. In D. M. Mackie & E. R. Smith (Eds.), From prejudice to inter-group emotions: Differentiated reactions to social groups (pp. 191–207). New York, NY: Psychology Press.
  10. 1 2 3 4 Esses, V.M., Jackson, L.M., Armstrong, T.L. (1998). Intergroup competition and attitudes toward immigrants and immigration: An instrumental model. Journal of Social Issues, 54, 699-724.
  11. 1 2 3 Esses, V.M., Dovidio, J.F., Jackson, L.M., Armstrong, T.L. (2001). The immigration dilemma: The role of perceived competition, ethnic prejudice, and national identity. Journal of Social Issues, 57, 389-412.
  12. 1 2 Branscome, N. & Wann, D. (1994). Collective self esteem consequences of outgroup derogation when a valued social identity is on trial. European Journal of Social Psychology, 24, 641-657
  13. 1 2 3 Stephan, Walter G.; Ybarra, Oscar; Morrison, Kimberly Rios (2009). "Intergroup Threat Theory". In Nelson, Todd D. Handbook of Prejudice, Stereotyping, and Discrimination. Psychology Press. Taylor and Francis Group. p. 44.
  14. ↑ Corenblum, B. & Stephan, WG. (2001). White fears and native apprehensions: An integrated threat theory approach to intergroup attitudes. Canadian Journal of Behavioural Science- Revue Canadienne des Sciences du Comportement, 33, 251-268.
  15. ↑ Garcia, S.M., Torr, A., Gonzales, R. (2006) Ranks and rivals: A theory of competition. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin,32, 970-982.
  16. 1 2 3 Stephan, W.G., & Renfro, C.L. (2016). The Role of Threat in Intergroup Relations. In Mackie, D.M. & Smith, E.R. (Eds.), From Prejudice to Intergroup Emotions: Differentiated Reactions to Social Groups, (191-207). ProQuest Ebook Central.
  17. ↑ Markus, H.R. & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the Self: Implications for Cognition, Emotion, and Motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224-253.
  18. ↑ Hofstede, G. & Bond, M. H., (1984). Hofstede’s Culture Dimensions: An Independent Validation Using Rokeach’s Value Survey. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 15, 417-433.
  19. 1 2 Ward, C. & Masgoret, A.M. (2006). An integrative model of attitudes towards immigrants. International Journal of Intercultural Relations, 30, 671-682.
  20. ↑ Croucher, S.M. (2013). Integrated threat theory and acceptance of immigrant assimilation: an analysis of Muslim immigration in Western Europe. Communication Monographs, 80, 46-62.
  21. ↑ Rohmann, A., Piontkowski, U., & van Randenborgh, A. (2008). When attitudes do not fit: discordance of acculturation attitudes as an antecedent of intergroup threat. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34, 337-352.
  22. 1 2 Tausch, N., Hewstone, M., & Roy, R. (2009). The relationships between contact, status and prejudice: An integrated threat theory analysis of Hindu–Muslim relations in India. Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, 19, 83-94.
  23. 1 2 Gonzalez, K.V., Verkuyten, M.W., Jeroen Poppe, E. (2008). Prejudice towards Muslims in The Netherlands: Testing integrated threat theory. British Journal of Social Psychology, 47, 667-685.
  24. 1 2 Uenal, F. (2016). The "Secret Islamization" of Europe: Exploring Integrated Threat Theory for Predicting Islamophobic Conspiracy Stereotypes. International Journal Of Conflict And Violence, 10, 94-108.
  25. 1 2 Ward, C. & Berno, T. (2011). Beyond social exchange theory: Attitudes towards tourists. Annals of Tourism Research, 38, 1556-1569.
  26. 1 2 Monterrubio, C. (2016). The impact of spring break behaviour: An integrated threat theory analysis of residents' prejudice. Tourism Management, 54, 418-427.
  27. 1 2 Olaghere, J.A. (2023). Impacts of tourism on residents: an analysis of the integrated threat theory. An International Journal of Tourism and Hospitality Research Volume 34, 2023 - Issue 1: Social issues and emerging debates in tourism and hospitality 89-103.
  28. ↑ Gudykunst, W. D. (1995). Anxiety/uncertainty management (AUM) theory: Current status. International and intercultural communication annual, 19, 8-58.
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