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Tamil genocide தமிழர் இனப்படுகொலை | |
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Part of Sri Lankan Civil War | |
Location | Sri Lanka |
Target | Sri Lankan Tamils |
Attack type | Genocide, ethnic cleansing, mass murder, mass shooting, hate crime shelling, hostage taking, forced disappearance, denial of humanitarian aid, summary execution, rape, land grabbing, colonization |
Deaths | 1956–2009: 154,022 to 253,818 Tamil civilians killed: [1]
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Injured | 1956–2004: 61,132 Tamil civilians [2] |
Victims | 1956–2004: Tamil civilians [2]
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Perpetrators | Sri Lanka Armed Forces, Sri Lankan government, Sri Lanka Police, Sinhalese mobs |
Motive | Anti-Tamil sentiment, Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, Sinhalisation |
Part of a series on |
Genocide |
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Issues |
15th–19th century genocides |
Early 20th century genocides |
World War II (1939–1945) |
Cold War (1940s–1991) |
Contemporary genocides |
Related topics |
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Category |
The Tamil genocide, also known as the Sri Lankan Tamil genocide, or the Eelam Tamil genocide, refers to the various acts of physical violence and cultural destruction committed against the Tamil population in Sri Lanka during the ethnic conflict, particularly the Sri Lankan civil war. Various commenters have accused the Sri Lankan state of responsibility for and complicity in Tamil genocide and point to state-sponsored settler colonialism, state-backed pogroms, and mass killings, enforced disappearances and sexual violence by the security forces as examples of genocidal acts. [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] The conflict and its brutal end have sparked an international debate and they have also led to calls for accountability and justice. [14] [15] [16]
There has been a series of virulent anti-Tamil pogroms in Sri Lanka, the most infamous of which is the 1983 Black July pogrom, which killed more than 5000 Tamils in a single week. [2] [17] The International Commission of Jurists described the violence of the pogrom as having "amounted to acts of genocide" in a report published in December 1983. [10] A number of other scholars have also described the pogrom as genocidal. [18] [19] Although initially orchestrated by members of the ruling UNP, the pogrom soon escalated into mass violence with significant public participation. [20] [21] [22] [note 1] Till date no one has been held accountable for any of the crimes committed during the pogrom. [24]
There were over 100 massacres of Tamil civilians by the Sri Lankan security forces throughout the civil war, resulting in the deaths and injuries of tens of thousands. It was estimated that by 1986 the security forces "had been killing an average of 233 Tamil civilians every month or about 7 a day". [25] [26] During a 1990 reprisal against the Tamil population of the eastern province, 3,000 Tamil civilians were massacred and hundreds of Tamil males were picked up and burned alive over a span of only few weeks in just two districts. [27] In December 1984, over 1200 Tamil civilians were massacred in just one month by the military. [28] In 1994 the genocide scholar Israel Charny used the concept of "genocidal massacre" to describe the Sri Lankan government rounding up some 5,000 Tamil civilians and executing them. [29]
Between 1995-1996, over 600 Tamils disappeared in Jaffna, hundreds of whom were said to have been buried by the Sri Lankan Army in mass graves in Chemmani. [30] [31] [32] In 2008, Human Rights Watch accused the Sri Lankan government of being responsible for "widespread abductions and disappearances" of hundreds of Tamils since the war resumed in 2006, with most feared dead. [33]
Mullivaikkal massacre was the mass killing of tens of thousands of Sri Lankan Tamils in 2009 during the closing stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War ending in May 2009 in a tiny strip of land in Mullivaikkal, Mullaitivu. UN staff had been quoted as saying that by May 2009, up to a 1,000 Tamil civilians were being killed every day by the military. The number of civilians killed has been described as being "akin to genocide". [26] The Sri Lankan government designated a no fire zone in Mullivaikkal towards the end of the war. According to the UN, between 40,000–70,000 [34] entrapped Tamil civilians were killed by the actions of Sinhala Government Forces and LTTE, with the large majority of these civilian deaths being the result of indiscriminate shelling on the rebel held areas, including hospitals, UN hub and near a Red Cross ship by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces. [35] During the final days of the war, the Sinhala army also engaged in indiscriminate executions of Tamils, civilians as well as fighters who surrendered waving a white flag. [36] Indiscriminate massacres of civilians were carried out on May 18, 2009. [37] [38] A military whistleblower accused government forces of a subsequent cover up with bodies being buried in mass graves and chemicals being used to dissolve skeletons. [37] [39]
On 18 May 2010, Channel 4 News broadcast interviews with two Sri Lankan soldiers who claimed that they had been given orders from "the top" to summarily execute all ethnic Tamils, civilians as well as fighters. A senior commander claimed "the order would have been to kill everybody and finish them off..It is clear that such orders were...from the top". Sri Lankan Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, President Rajapaksa's brother, was said to have given direct orders to army commanders at the battle front. It was also reported that Velupillai Prabhakaran's 13-year-old son Balachandran was interrogated by the Sri Lankan military before being shot. A front line soldier said "our commander ordered us to kill everyone. We killed everyone". The soldier claimed that the Tamils were tortured before being executed. Numerous photos taken by Sri Lankan soldiers showing dead bodies and Tamil prisoners were also shown in the broadcast. [40]
One of the soldiers who served in the 58 Division of the Sri Lankan Army tearfully recounted the heinous crimes committed by fellow soldiers in 2009:
"They shoot people at random, stab people, rape them, cut their tongues out, cut women's breasts off. I have witnessed all this with my own eyes.
I saw a lot of small children, who were so innocent, getting killed in large numbers. A large number of elders were also killed.
If they wanted to rape a Tamil girl, they could just beat her and do it. If her parents tried to stop them, they could beat them or kill them. It was their empire.
I saw the naked dead bodies of women without heads and other parts of their bodies. I saw a mother and child dead and the child’s body was without its head." [37]
He further described the government's attempts to cover up:
"in Puthumathalan alone, over 1500 civilians were killed. But they couldn’t bury all of them. What they did was, they bought a bulldozer, they spread the dead bodies out and put sand on top of them, making it look like a bund...I saw the same happen to more than 50,000 people like that." [37]
An army insider also witnessed indiscriminate massacres on May 18, 2009, and stated the following:
"I saw this shooting of surrenderees take place a number of times. A number of groups, some 50, some 75, some more than 25 would come forward and they would all be killed. That included children, small children, women and old people... This was widespread killing. If journalists were around then the civilians were allowed to surrender, but when the journalists were not around the orders were to kill everyone." [38]
In a 2012 internal review of its conduct during the last stages of the Sri Lankan civil war, the UN found that various UN agencies had failed to protect Tamil civilians at every level, particularly by withdrawing its staff from the war zone and by withholding evidence of widespread government shelling. [43] [44] Vijay Nambiar, then chief of staff under UN Secretary-General, implored Navi Pillay (High Commissioner for Human Rights) to dilute her statement on potential war crimes by the government, complaining that it put the LTTE and the government "on the same footing". [45] Commenting on Nambiar's statement that UN's role should be "compatible with the government," Francis Boyle, professor of international law, denounced the UN and its top officials as aiding and abetting Tamil genocide. [46] Vijay Nambiar's own brother Satish Nambiar was a consultant to the Sri Lankan government and had praised the Sri Lanka Army and its conduct of the war, in spite of all the civilians killed. [47] Louise Arbour, the former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, described the UN's conduct as having "verged on complicity". The UN's response was constrained by some of its powerful veto-wielding members such as China and Russia who shielded the Sri Lankan government. [48] In 2016 then UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon acknowledged UN's failures in Sri Lanka which he named along with Rwanda and Srebrenica as examples of its "never again" repeating itself. [49]
After the end of armed conflict, the persistent Sinhala militarization of conflict-affected areas has hindered efforts to find lasting solutions. In the fields of trade, tourism, agriculture, and fishing, the military has grown to be a significant economic force and a fierce rival to the native population, especially those who have returned. [50] Additionally, it has intervened in regions that are typically managed by civilians. It still occupies private land, making it difficult for Tamil residents who have been displaced to return. [50]
According to Tamil Center for Human Rights, from 1956 to 2004, 2.3 million Tamils have been displaced due to the war. [2] More than 115,000 internally displaced Tamils (IDPs) were still living in camps, host communities, or transit sites as of the end of September 2012, which is 3 years after the end of armed resistance movement. Many had also been forcibly moved against their will to locations other than their original homes. [50]
The Sri Lankan military's control and domination of the Tamil population, along with systematic land grabs have been described by Damien Short as part of a "genocidal process that is destroying the land-based political, economic, social, cultural, and environmental foundations" of the Tamil community. [9] Sinhala Buddhist nationalists within the Sri Lankan government, Buddhist clergy and Mahaweli department have deliberately targeted the Tamil majority northeast for state sponsored Sinhala colonisation, with the explicit intention to take the land into "Sinhala hands" away from the Tamils, [51] and to disrupt the Tamil-speaking continuity between the north and east. [52] This resulted in a significant demographic shift, with the resettled farmers contributing to an increase in the Sinhalese population in the northeast dry zone, thus promoting Sinhala-Buddhist hegemony in the area. [52] Sinhalese settlers were provided with preferential access to land by the state in these regions, whilst the local Tamil speaking people were excluded from this privilege, [53] making them minorities in their own lands. [52]
Whilst empowering Sinhalese settlers, the scheme also served as a means to marginalize, exclude, and harm Tamil speaking minorities, treating them as the 'other'. [52] It has been perhaps the most immediate cause of inter-communal violence, [54] [55] [56] [57] with violent displacement of Tamil civilians to make way for Sinhalese settlers occurring several times. [58] [59] The University Teachers for Human Rights has described this as ethnic cleansing of Tamils occurring with the support of the government since the 1956 Gal Oya riots. [58] Following the end of war in 2009, Sinhalese officials and settlers in Weli Oya have expressed their desire to take more land further north in order to "make the Sinhala man the most present in all parts of the country". [60]
Sexual violence against Tamils in Sri Lanka has occurred repeatedly during the island's long ethnic conflict. The first instances of rape of Tamil women by Sinhalese mobs were documented during the 1958 anti-Tamil pogrom. [61] This continued in the 1960s with the deployment of the Sri Lankan Army in Jaffna, who were reported to have molested and occasionally raped Tamil women. [62] Further rapes of Tamils were carried out by Sinhalese mobs during the 1977, 1981 and 1983 anti-Tamil pogroms. [63] [64] [65]
There has been widespread and systematic sexual violence against the Tamil population by the Sinhalese-dominated Sri Lankan security forces with the approval of the highest levels of the government both during and after the war. The victims included both females and males, civilians and LTTE suspects, of all age groups. [66] [67] [68] The methods involved sexual humiliation, forced nudity, sexual assault, sexual torture, sexual mutilation, [69] vaginal and anal rape, [66] gang rape [70] , forced prostitution, [71] [72] sexual slavery, [73] [74] forced abortion, forced pregnancy and forced contraception. [75] [76] [77] The extent of sexual violence reached unprecedented levels during the last stages of the war: [70] A large number of Tamil women who crossed over to the government-controlled areas were sexually assaulted, causing many to flee back to the war zone. [66] The sexual abuse is often accompanied by racist verbal abuse, such as being insulted as "Tamil dog" [78] and "you Tamil, you slave". [79] One female victim was told by her military rapists that they won the war and they wanted Tamil women to bear Sinhalese children; [80] and another male victim was told he was "a Tamil dog and should not have any future generations" while being assaulted on his genitals. [81] Tamil survivors related that the sexual violence inflicted in detention left them with "the most severe and persistent psychological damage". [82] Piers Pigou, a human rights investigator with 40 years experience of interviewing torture survivors, described the levels of sexual abuse perpetrated against Tamils by the Sri Lankan authorities as "the most egregious and perverted" that he had ever seen. [83]
Several commenters have described the sexual violence against Tamils or particular acts of it as amounting to genocide or as genocidal. A panel of genocide scholars of the Permanent Peoples' Tribunal found the extensive and prolonged acts of sexual violence committed against the Tamil population with state impunity to be "a clear case of genocide". [84] Citing the ICTR judgement, the Tamil human rights group PEARL reported that the rapes in the final phase of the war and the forced abortions, forced pregnancies and forced contraception may or would constitute acts of genocide by preventing Tamil births. [85] Altunjan (2021) described the forced contraception on Tamil women as occurring in a "genocidal context". [86] The director of UK-based Widows for Peace through Democracy described the organized and state-sanctioned rapes as "a form of genocide of the Tamil people." [87]
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The burning of the Jaffna Public library in 1981 by an organised Sinhalese mob has been described by Damien Short as a 'classic genocidal tactic', where the cultural roots of the Tamils was being attacked, with old and irreplaceable documents being destroyed. [88] [89] [90]
Several sources that track Tamil civilian killings between 1956 to 2009 estimate that between 154,022 and 253,818 Tamil civilians were killed by Sinhala dominated Sri Lanka Armed Forces over that time. [91]
According to the Tamil Center for Human Rights report in 2004, for the period of 1956 to 2001, 79,155 Tamil civilians were killed. This figure includes 54,044 dead and 25,266 disappeared forever. [2] The Sri Lankan military is known to have been killing an average of 233 Tamil civilians every month, or seven a day, in 1986. [92] [9] According to Pro-rebel NESOHR, from 2002-2008 Dec, 4,867 Tamil civilians were killed. This figure includes 3,545 dead and 1,322 disappeared forever. [3]
According to the UN's report in November 2012, a total of 70,000 Tamil civilians were unaccounted for the period of 2009 Jan to May. [6] [7]
In the year 2011, Bishop Joseph's team from Mannar said it believed there were as many as 146,000 Tamil people still unaccounted for during the last phase of fighting. [93] [5] According to International Truth and Justice Project's report in the year 2021, the final phase of the civil war in 2009 has resulted in the death of 169,796 Tamil civilians. [4]
Between 7-10 December 2013, the Rome-based Permanent Peoples' Tribunal held a Tribunal on Sri Lanka in Bremen, Germany to investigate accusations that the Sri Lankan government committed genocide against the Tamil people. The panel of 11 judges, which included experts in genocide studies such as Daniel Feierstein , a professor in the faculty of Genocide at University of Buenos Aires, past UN officials, human rights activists and experts in international law, unanimously found Sri Lanka guilty of the crime of genocide. [11]
The Tribunal found that the evidence conclusively demonstrated, beyond any reasonable doubt, that the Government of Sri Lanka committed the following genocidal acts: [11]
(a) Killing members of the group, which includes massacres, indiscriminate shelling, the strategy of herding civilians into so-called "No Fire Zones" for the purpose of mass killings, and targeted assassinations of prominent Tamil civil leaders who could expose the Sri Lankan genocide to the world.
(b) Inflicting serious bodily or mental harm on members of the group, including acts of torture, inhumane or degrading treatment, sexual violence such as rape, interrogations combined with beatings, threats of death, and harm that damages health or causes disfigurement or injury.
(c) Deliberately imposing conditions of life intended to bring about the group's physical destruction in whole or in part, including the expulsion of victims from their homes, seizure of private lands, and the declaration of vast areas as military High Security Zones (HSZ) to facilitate the military acquisition of Tamil land. [11]
In 2022, the Parliament of Canada unanimously adopted a motion to make May 18 as the Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day. [94] [95] To mark the first Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day on 18 May 2023, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau issued the following statement:
"The stories of Tamil-Canadians affected by the conflict – including many I have met over the years in communities across the country – serve as an enduring reminder that human rights, peace, and democracy cannot be taken for granted. That’s why Parliament last year unanimously adopted the motion to make May 18 Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day. Canada will not stop advocating for the rights of the victims and survivors of this conflict, as well as for all in Sri Lanka who continue to face hardship." [96]
However, in an April 2023 interview with Bob Rae, the Permanent Representative of Canada to the United Nations Garnett Genuis clarified that a recognition of genocide by the House of Commons does not necessarily reflect an official position of the government of Canada. Rae said that he was not aware of the government of Canada recognizing the Tamil genocide. [97] In June 2023, the Daily Mirror claimed that the Canadian foreign ministry had privately told the Sri Lankan government that Canada "had not made any finding that genocide had taken place in Sri Lanka." [98] On 21 June 2023, The Island reported that the Canadian High Commission in Sri Lanka confirmed that Prime Minister Trudeau's statement marking the first Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day reflected Canada's stance. [99]
In response to Trudeau's statement, Sri Lanka stated: "Sri Lanka rejects the reference to Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day by the Canadian Prime Minister and that it is a distorted narrative of the past conflict in Sri Lanka is aimed solely at achieving local vote-bank electoral gains, and is not conducive to broader goals of communal harmony." [100]
Several U.S. legislators such as Wiley Nickel and Deborah Ross also recognize the Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day. [101]
On 12 April 2015, the Northern Provincial Council of Sri Lanka passed a resolution calling the UN to investigate the Tamil genocide and refer its findings to the International Criminal Court (ICC), stating that the Tamils had no faith in the domestic commission. [102] [103] [104]
The late Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared the Black July pogrom to be a genocide against the Tamil people on August 14, 1983. [105] [106]
In Jaffna, the northern province of Sri Lanka, a statue was erected to honor the memory of the victims of the conflict, particularly the events that unfolded in Mullivaikkal in May 2009. However, the memorial faced significant opposition and was destroyed on 8th January 2021. The destruction of the statue sparked protests and outcry both locally and internationally. On 23 April 2021, a replacement statue was unveiled. [107]
The Mullivaikkal Memorial in the Thanjavur District of Tamil Nadu, India is a memorial dedicated to the Tamils massacred in Sri Lanka. On 6 November 2013, the inauguration of the Mullivaikal Memorial took place. [108] The memorial was founded by Pazha Nedumaran and the World Tamil Confederation Trust. [109]
In honor of the dead Tamil civilians and LTTE soldiers, the mayor of Beau Bassin Rose Hill, Louis Andre Toussaint, in Mauritius, constructed a pillar in response to the Mauritius Tamil Temple Federation's (MTTF) requests. The memorial's epitaph says:
"THIS MEMORIAL IS DEDICATED TO THOSE 146,679 TAMILS WHO LOST THEIR LIVES INNOCENTLY AND 40,000 REPORTED LOST IN DEFENCE OF THEIR BELOVED MOTHERLAND IN SRI LANKA"
This memorial is located within the Beau Bassin Rose Hill Municipal Council's grounds, a short distance from the mayor's office. [110]
A Tamil Genocide Memorial to be built in Chinguacousy Park, in Brampton, Canada by 2025, the design was finalised in February 2024, after 3 years of delay. [111] [112]
Canadian Mayor Patrick Brown promised to build a monument after the Mullivaikkal memorial in Sri Lanka was torn down in January 2021. In recognition of the importance of memorialization for the Tamil diaspora, a proposal was made to build a Tamil Genocide Memorial in Brampton, Canada. The proposal aimed to provide a space for reflection, remembrance, and education, acknowledging the community's loss and resilience.
The initiative to erect the memorial in Brampton was met with both support and criticism. Proponents argue that it serves as a necessary acknowledgment of the atrocities faced by the Tamil population and as an educational tool for future generations. Critics, however, raise concerns about the potential for such memorials to foster division or impact diplomatic relations. Patirck Brown stated "While there might be some people trying to 'whitewash' history in Sri Lanka and rewrite history — we can't stand for that."
In June 2020, Toronto District School Board (TDSB) approved a motion calling on the Ministry of Education to incorporate Genocide education as compulsory learning unanimously. [113] In this genocide education, Tamil genocide was included as a complimentary component. [114] Around the same time Vijay Thanigasalam, a Progressive Conservative MPP, tabled Ontario bill 104, also known as the 'Tamil Genocide Education Week Act'. The Bill states:
"The seven-day period in each year ending on May 18 is proclaimed as Tamil Genocide Education Week. During that period, all Ontarians are encouraged to educate themselves about, and to maintain their awareness of, the Tamil genocide and other genocides that have occurred in world history."
This Bill was opposed by Sinhalese groups who took the Ontario Legislature to court. However, their constitutional challenge was dismissed as the Ontario judge, Justice Jasmine Akbarali, upheld Bill 104 in battle ‘over who gets to write the history of the war'. The court examined evidence and heard arguments from all parties in order to better determine whether or not what occurred amounted to a genocide of Tamils. Justice Jasmine Akbarali stated "The dominant characteristic of the law is to educate the public about what the Ontario Legislature has concluded is a Tamil genocide." [115]
Mullivaikkal Remembrance Day is a remembrance day observed on each 18th May by Sri Lankan Tamil people to remember those who died in the genocide during the Sri Lankan Civil War. It is held each year on 18 May, the date on which the civil war ended in 2009, and is named after Mullivaikkal, a village on the north-east coast of Sri Lanka which was the massacre scene of the final battle of the civil war.
The COG had prepared a casualty sheet which showed that a large majority of the civilian casualties recorded by the UN had reportedly been caused by Government fire
The Sri Lankan Civil War was a civil war fought in Sri Lanka from 1983 to 2009. Beginning on 23 July 1983, it was an intermittent insurgency against the government by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam led by Velupillai Prabhakaran. The LTTE fought to create an independent Tamil state called Tamil Eelam in the north-east of the island, due to the continuous discrimination and violent persecution against Sri Lankan Tamils by the Sinhalese-dominated Sri Lanka government.
Black July was an anti-Tamil pogrom that occurred in Sri Lanka during July 1983. The pogrom was premeditated, and was finally triggered by a deadly ambush on 23 July 1983, which caused the death of 13 Sri Lanka Army soldiers, by the Tamil militant group Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Although initially orchestrated by members of the ruling UNP, the pogrom soon escalated into mass violence with significant public participation.
Human rights in Sri Lanka provides for fundamental rights in the country. The Sri Lanka Constitution states that every person is entitled to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, including the freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice. And, that every person is equal before the law.
The Sri Lankan state has been accused of state terrorism against the Tamil minority as well as the Sinhalese majority, during the two Marxist–Leninist insurrections. The Sri Lankan government and the Sri Lankan Armed Forces have been charged with massacres, indiscriminate shelling and bombing, extrajudicial killings, rape, torture, disappearance, arbitrary detention, forced displacement and economic blockade. According to Amnesty International, state terror was institutionalized into Sri Lanka's laws, government and society.
The 1977 anti-Tamil pogrom in Sri Lanka followed the 1977 general elections in Sri Lanka where the Sri Lankan Tamil nationalistic Tamil United Liberation Front won a plurality of minority Sri Lankan Tamil votes. In the elections, the party stood for secession. An official government estimate put the death toll at 125, whereas other sources estimate that around 300 Tamils were killed by Sinhalese mobs. Human rights groups, such as the UTHR-J, accused the newly elected UNP-led government of orchestrating the violence.
The Kent and Dollar Farm massacres were the first massacres of Sinhalese civilians carried out by the LTTE during the Sri Lankan Civil War. The massacres took place on 30 November 1984, in two tiny farming villages in the Mullaitivu district in north-eastern Sri Lanka. The Sri Lankan government labeled this as an attack on civilians by the LTTE.
Eelam War I is the name given to the initial phase of the armed conflict between the government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE.
The war was waged for over a quarter of a century, with an estimated 70,000 killed by 2007. Immediately following the end of war, on 20 May 2009, the UN estimated a total of 80,000–100,000 deaths. However, in 2011, referring to the final phase of the war in 2009, the Report of the Secretary-General's Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka stated, "A number of credible sources have estimated that there could have been as many as 40,000 civilian deaths." The large majority of these civilian deaths in the final phase of the war were said to have been caused by indiscriminate shelling by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces.
War crimes during the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War are war crimes and crimes against humanity which the Sri Lanka Armed Forces and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam have been accused of committing during the final months of the Sri Lankan Civil War in 2009. The war crimes include attacks on civilians and civilian buildings by both sides; executions of combatants and prisoners by both sides; enforced disappearances by the Sri Lankan military and paramilitary groups backed by them; sexual violence by the Sri Lankan military; the systematic denial of food, medicine, and clean water by the government to civilians trapped in the war zone; child recruitment, hostage taking, use of military equipment in the proximity of civilians and use of forced labor by the Tamil Tigers.
Buddhist scripture condemns violence in every form. Ahimsa, a term meaning "not to injure", is a primary virtue in Buddhism. However, Buddhists have historically used scriptures to justify violence or form exceptions to commit violence for various reasons. As found in other religious traditions, Buddhism has an extensive history of violence dating back to its inception.
Shoba, also known as Shobana Dharmaraja, was a Sri Lankan Tamil journalist and television broadcaster for the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). She died in the final days of the Sri Lankan Civil War in 2009 with video evidence that she was captured by the Sri Lankan military before being raped, tortured and murdered. A senior United Nations official deemed the footage to be authentic. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch also verified that it was her.
The 1985 Trincomalee massacres refers to a series of mass murder of Tamil civilians by the Sri Lankan military and Sinhalese home guards in Trincomalee District, Sri Lanka. In a succession of events that spanned over two months, hundreds of Tamil civilians were massacred and thousands were driven out by the Sri Lankan military and Sinhalese mobs in order to colonize the area. Almost every Tamil settlement in the district was destroyed during this well-orchestrated campaign to drive out the local Tamil population. Several Tamil women were also raped. In September 1985, the entire Tamil population of Trincomalee town was displaced to forests and refugee camps in an attack that wiped out the town, including the destruction of 12 temples and a mosque. Since August 16, over 50,000 Tamils who were forced to flee the town ended up in refugee camps in the Jaffna and Batticaloa districts.
Mullivaikkal Remembrance Day is a remembrance day observed by Sri Lankan Tamils to remember those who were killed during the final stages of the Sri Lankan Civil War. It is held each year on 18 May, the date on which the civil war ended in 2009, and is named after Mullivaikkal, a village on the northeastern coast of Sri Lanka which was the scene of the final battle of the civil war and the site of the Mullivaikkal massacre.
The Tamil genocide resolution of 2015 was passed by the Northern Provincial Council on 10 February 2015 seeking an UN inquiry to investigate the genocide of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka by successive Sri Lankan Governments, and direct appropriate measures at the International Criminal Court outlining the Tamil people had no faith in the domestic commission.
The Manal Aru massacres of 1984 refers to a series of massacres of Sri Lankan Tamil civilians by the Sri Lankan military across numerous traditional Tamil villages in the Manal Aru region which spans across the Mullaitivu and Trincomalee districts. The motive behind the massacres was to drive out the local Tamil population from their villages, in order to replace them with thousands of Sinhala settlers.
Remembrance Day, also known as National War Heroes Commemoration Day, is a memorial day observed in Sri Lanka since the end of the Sri Lankan Civil War, which is observed to commemorate the war heroes which fought in the war and the civilians who were killed in the war from both sides. Remembrance Day is observed on 19 May, which marks the decisive victory of the Sri Lankan Army against the rebel Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the end of the Sri Lankan Civil War, on 18 May 2009.
The 1987 Eastern Province massacres were a series of massacres of the Sinhalese population in the Eastern Province of Sri Lanka by Tamil mobs and Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) during the Sri Lankan Civil War. Though they began spontaneously, they became more organized, with the LTTE leading the violence. Over 200 Sinhalese were killed by mob and militant violence, and over 20,000 fled the Eastern Province. The violence has been described as having had the appearance of a pogrom.
Varatharajah Thurairajah is an Eelam Tamil physician and human rights activist. He was noted as one of the official witnesses for the United Nations investigations on war crimes and human rights violations in Sri Lanka. He is a first-hand witness of the events in the "No Fire Zone" in Mullivaikkal, Mullaitivu; and has revealed information to the world about the planned genocide of Tamils in 2009. He is currently engaged in activities related to creating awareness about the issue.
Sexual violence against Tamils in Sri Lanka has occurred repeatedly during the island's long ethnic conflict. The first instances of rape of Tamil women by Sinhalese mobs were documented during the 1958 anti-Tamil pogrom. This continued in the 1960s with the deployment of the Sri Lankan Army in Jaffna, who were reported to have molested and occasionally raped Tamil women.